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JUL 16 1924 


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THE CITY AND ITS PEOPLE 
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO 
THE PRESENT DAY 


/BY 
Y 


GRANT SHOWERMAN 


PROFESSOR OF CLASSICS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN 
DIRECTOR OF THE SUMMER SESSION, THE AMERICAN ACADEMY IN ROME 


VOLUME II 


FROM THE FIFTH CHRISTIAN CENTURY 
' TO THE PRESENT 


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THE LATERAN CLOISTER 


NEW HAVEN : YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
LONDON - HUMPHREY MILFORD - OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
M DCCCC XXIV 


COPYRIGHT 1924 BY YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS 


PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 


1D. 
THE DARK CENTURIES 


O Roma nobilis, orbis et domina 
Cunctarum urbium excellentissima, 
Roseo martyrum sanguine rubea, 
Albis et virginum liliis candida: 
Salutem dicimus tibi, per omnia 

Te benedicimus, salve, per secula,— 


O Rome of noble name, Queen thou of all the earth, 
City of cities thou, far above all in worth, 

Red with the blood of the martyred ones shed for thee, 
White with the lilies of virgin lives led for thee: 

Hail thou, O holy one, our knees we bend to thee, 
Praises and blessings, O world without end, to thee! 


From a tenth century hymn sung by pilgrims 
at the first distant sight of Rome. 


mt i i MI 
te AU ) 
Aes 


Weir ukat 





ue 


THE CLOSING IN OF NIGHT 


HE night of a thousand years did not descend sud- 

denly upon Rome. There is no day or hour or year 
which may be said to have marked the passage from day 
to darkness. 

There was indeed a moment when it seemed that the 
night had fallen. The protection of the strong hand 
of Theodosius had hardly been removed by death in 
395 when the barbarian movement began once more 
with the revolt of Alaric, king of the Visigoths, against 
Arcadius in the east. For the moment pacified, he never- 
theless at last turned his roving arms against Honorius 
in the west, and in 401 crossed into Italy. 

The alarm that had seized on Italian and Roman 
hearts in the times of Marcus Aurelius, of Claudius 
Gothicus, of Aurelian, of Julian, and of Valens, once 
more swept over peninsula and city, and was once more 
allayed by successful confronting of the foe. The de- 
feat of Alaric by Stilicho at Pollentia and Verona in 
402, however, brought relief that was only temporary. 
The triumphal visit of Honorius to Rome in 404, the 
first of its kind since Constantius came down the Fla- 
minian Way in 356, the jubilation of the populace, and 
the boastful panegyric of Claudian, were followed, in 
only one year, by still more lively alarm when Rhada- 
gaisus with two hundred thousand Germans and Celts 
advanced to Fiesole before the Romans could stay his 
progress. In 406, Vandals and Suabians crossed, once 
for all, the barrier of the Rhine, and lodged in Gaul. 


336 ETERNAL ROME 


For the first time since Cann, the slaves were called to 
aid in the defence of their Roman masters. Provincials 
throughout the empire were exhorted to take up arms 
against the common invader. 

The excitable pen of Jerome records the feelings of 
the Christian who was also a lover of the Roman em- 
pire: “My soul shrinks from reciting the ruins of our 
times. For twenty years and more, the blood of Rome 
has been poured out daily between the city of Constan- 
tine and the Julian Alps. In Scythia, Thrace, Mace- 
donia, Thessaly, Dardania, Dacia, Epirus, Dalmatia, 
and all the Pannonias, the Goth, Sarmatian, Quade, 
Alan, Hun, Vandal, and Marcoman lay waste, pillage, 
and drag away. How many matrons, how many virgins 
of God, how many of the free-born and noble have been 
used for the mirth of these beasts! Bishops have been 
seized, elders and other officials slain, churches over- 
thrown, horses stabled at the altars of Christ, the mortal 
relics of the martyrs dug up. Everywhere are lamenta- 
tions, everywhere groanings, and on every hand the 
image of death. The Roman world is tumbling in 
PUINS Ayer) 

But the misfortunes of the city had not yet reached 
their climax. In 408, Alaric once more marched his men 
into Italy, this time to the very gates of Rome. Bought 
off with gold and silver and furs and silks and spices, 
but still not satisfied with these and the concessions of 
territory and honors that went with them, he returned 
in 409 to enforce the payment of arrears and to repeat 
the demand for lands. Again for the time being paci- 
fied, in the following year he besieged the city for the 
third time. On the night of August 24, 410, the Gothic 
chieftain and his soldiers burst through the Porta Sa- 


THE CLOSING IN OF NIGHT 337 


laria, and for three days had their will with Rome, while 
its inhabitants fled in every direction. 

The world was aghast at the violence done the city 
which now for the first time since the Gallic descent of 
eight hundred years before felt the hand of a foreign 
invader. Jerome, hermit in the Holy Land, receives at 
one time the news of all these sieges and of the capture. 
His grief is overwhelming. “A terrifying rumor comes 
to me from the west,” he writes from Bethlehem, “that 
Rome has been besieged and her citizens’ safety bought 
with gold; that, once despoiled, they were again beset, 
so that after losing their substance they might yield up 
life as well. My voice is stopped, and sobs cut off the 
words as I try to speak. Captive is the city which once 
took captive all the world; yea, it perished from famine 
ere touched by the sword, and few were found to be 
rendered captive. Maddening hunger drove to the use 
of meats unspeakable; they tore their own members, 
the one the other, mothers not sparing the sucking babe, 
and consuming again the fruits of their own bosoms. In 
the night was Moab taken, in the night its walls fell. 
O God, the heathen are come into thine inheritance; thy 
holy temple have they defiled; they have laid Jerusalem 
on heaps. The dead bodies of thy servants have they 
given to be meat unto the fowls of the heaven, the flesh 
of thy saints unto the beasts of the earth. Their blood 
have they shed like water round about Jerusalem; and 
there was none to bury them.” 

From Scripture the grieving saint passes to his be- 
loved Virgil. The woes of Rome recall the woes of 
Troy: “What voice could tell of that night’s destruc- 
tion and of its deadly woes, or what tears equal its sor- 
rows? The city of old, the queen of the world for many 


338 ETERNAL ROME \ 


years, is fallen’to ruin, and the lifeless bodies of men lie 
thickly scattered in its streets and homes, and every- 
where is the spectre of death.” 

But the world without and the Romans within soon 
forgot or grew accustomed to the thought of the city’s 
downfall. The language of Jerome is declamatory, and 
its author saw from afar and with vivid imagination. 
Of the actual witnesses, none has left his testimony, and 
of those who, like Jerome, were not at hand but have 
left us their impressions, some saw Alaric’s deed 
with the eye of despair, and some saw in it only the 
act of a brigand in a world at peace. ‘The city soon re- 
covered. Aided by the stimulus of the emperor’s edict 
in 412, directing governors to send the fugitives back, 
the Romans returned. Rutilius Namatianus, leaving 
Rome in 417 after his prefecture of three years, looks 
back from his boat on the Tiber to a city still proud in 
monuments and power, still resonant with the cries of 
the crowd for their favorite charioteer, still unaware, so 
far as words of his can tell us, that its days are num- 
bered. 

The pleasant age of Theodosius and Stilicho, of 
Pretextatus and Symmachus, of Ausonius and Clau- 
dian, of Jerome, Ambrose, and Augustine, was the late 
and deceptively genial afternoon of Rome. The coming 
of Alaric was a storm-cloud that burst and covered the 
earth with darkness, but passed and left the sun still 
shining. 

The sun was lower in the sky, however, and shone 
with fainter light. There were other obscurations, and 
at each one’s lifting the shadows were longer. The catas- 
trophe of 410 was not the first step, nor the last, though 
it was the most alarming, that led to the fatal end. The 


THE CLOSING IN OF NIGHT 339 


desertion of Dacia by Aurelian, the settling of 100,000 
Bastarne in Thrace by Probus, the establishment of 
300,000 Sarmatians in Pannonia by Constantine, the 
admission of the Goths into Thrace by Valens, the 
planting of German captives on the farms of the Po 
valley by Theodosius, the crossing of the Rhine by the 
Vandals and Suabians in 406, the sack by the Goths in 
410, the settlement of the Visigoths in Gaul in 418, the 
crossing of the Pyrenees in 422, and of the straits of 
Gibraltar in 429, by the Vandals, and their completion 
of the African conquest in 439, the abandonment of 
Britain in 446, the descent of the Huns in 451,—were 
all blows that racked the frame of the empire, prepared 
it for dissolution, and brought the frontiers nearer the 
ancient capital. The vulnerability of the city and the 
unheroic cast of her citizens and army became as ap- 
parent to all mankind as the hollowness of the empire’s 
shell, and henceforth neither veneration for Rome nor 
fear of Roman stayed the enemy’s hand. 

The children who saw the sack of Alaric were still in 
their prime when in 455 Genseric from Africa answered 
the call of a wronged and revengeful empress, and again 
devoted the unresisting city to a pillage of fourteen days 
that gave the name of Vandal its everlasting reputation. 
In 472, the German Ricimer, son-in-law of Anthemius 
and for a dozen years as patrician the real ruler of 
Rome, besieged for five years the starving and _ pesti- 
lential city, whose capture made it once more the prey 
to robbery and murder. A few years more of the in- 
substantial authority of emperors who were rulers only 
in name, while barbarian armies remained encamped 
on Italian soil, and the resignation of Romulus Au- 


340 ETERNAL ROME 


gustulus on August 22, 476, confessed the entire de- 
pendence of Italy and Rome upon the invader’s will. 

Not even yet, however, had the darkness wholly 
fallen. Odoacer the Visigoth, patrician of Italy for thir- 
teen years, desiring not the destruction of Rome but 
the comfort of his people, was followed by Theodoric 
the Ostrogoth, enthusiastic lover of Rome, the city of 
his adoption. The patriciate of Odoacer was the twi- 
light, the thirty-seven years of Theodoric’s reign the 
afterglow that was almost like the return of day. When, 
after Theodoric’s death in 526, the dissensions of his 
successors gave hope to Justinian in the east that the 
west might be recovered, the darkness deepened indeed. 
Belisarius, having taken Sicily in 535 and Naples in the 
following year, entered the gates of Rome on December 
9, 536. At the end of the struggle that drove the Goth 
from Italy, the city had suffered so unspeakably from 
famine, pestilence, assault, and desertion that the Rome 
which emerged to be ruled from 552 to 567 by Narses, 
Justinian’s exarch in Italy, was a vast and empty mass 
of tumbling ruins among which dwelt in misery the 
merest handful of despairing men. 

The death of the exarch and the practical disappear- 
ance of Byzantine authority from Rome may be called 
the final coming of the night. The City of this World 
had perished utterly; the City of God now sat on the 
Seven Hills, and even its citizens despaired. Pope Pela- 
gius, on April 18, 556, had already written the bishop 
of Arles entreating him to send clothing and money, 
saying that poverty and need had become so great in 
the city “that not without pain and anguish can we bear 
to see the friends we once beheld as they enjoyed pros- 
perity and high position.” 


THE CLOSING IN OF NIGHT 341 


But let the eye of the mind look upon Gregory the 
Great, as on the third of September, 590, he addresses 
the pitiful remnant of the Roman people assembled in 
the already ancient basilica erected by Constantine over 
the tomb of Peter: 

“Our Lord desires to find us ready,” says the grave 
preacher, “and shows us the misery of the worn-out 
world, in order to divert our love from it. You see how 
many storms have heralded its approaching overthrow. 
If we do not seek God in quiet, trials the most dreadful 
will teach us to fear His approaching judgment. In 
the extract of the Gospel we have just heard, the Lord 
forewarns us that nation shall prevail against nation 
and kingdom against kingdom, and that earthquakes, 
famine, and pestilence, horrors and signs from heaven 
are in store for us. We have already been visited by 
some of these disasters, and of others remain in dread. 
For, that nation rises against nation and subdues the 
land by fear, our own experience, more forcibly than 
even gospel history, might have taught us. We have 
heard from other quarters that countless cities are de- 
stroyed by earthquakes; while we ourselves suffer in- 
cessantly from pestilence. True, we do not yet perceive 
signs in the sun, moon, or stars, but changes in the at- 
mosphere lead us to suppose that such signs are near at 
hand. Fiery swords, reddened with the blood of man- 
kind, which soon after flowed in streams, were seen in 
the heavens before Italy became a prey to the Lom- 
bards. Be alert and watchful! Those who love God 
should shout for joy at the end of the world. Those who 
mourn are they whose hearts are rooted in love for the 
world, and who neither long for the future life, nor 
have any foretaste of it within themselves. Every day 


342 ETERNAL ROME 


the earth is visited by fresh calamities. You see how few 
remain of the innumerable population; each day sees 
us chastened by fresh afflictions, and unforeseen blows 
strike us to the ground. The world grows old and hoary, 
and through a sea of troubles hastens to approaching 
death.” 

The history of Rome from the closing in of night in 
the times of Gregory the Great to the return of the 
popes from Avignon in 1377 and the breaking of the 
new day is the history of the nations of the earth inter- 
fering in the affairs of Italy. Scarce one of the peoples 
in former days conquered by Rome is lacking from the 
list of those who now returned and made captive their 
captor. 

The border inroads of Marcoman and Quade and 
Alan and Thracian and Scythian and Sarmatian had 
been succeeded by the wilder invasions of Vandals and 
Suabians and Goth and Hun, resulting at last in the 
Gothic occupation of Italy and Rome for nearly a cen- 
tury. This had been followed by the return of Byzantine 
rule over Rome from 535 to 568, and its prolongation 
in Ravenna until 754. In the wake of the Byzantine, and 
finally displacing him entirely by the capture of Ra- 
venna, came the Lombard presence in Italy from Alboin 
in 568 to Desiderius at Pavia in 774. The Franks, whose 
rise out of the ruins of Roman civilization in Gaul about 
the Meuse and the lower Rhine had begun with Clovis 
in 486, and who had interfered in Italy’s affairs once 
in 586 to 558, and again in 576 to 590, on both occasions 
as allies of the Church, in 754 entered into active agree- 
ment with the pope. The creation of a patrician of 
Rome in Pepin was followed in 774 by the end of the 
Lombard rule, and on Christmas of the year 800 by 


THE CLOSING IN OF NIGHT 343 


the crowning of Charlemagne on his fourth beneficent 
visit to Rome, and by the founding of the Holy Roman 
empire, to endure for a thousand years. 

After the hundred troubled years of the Carolingian 
protectors, during which Saracen, Byzantine, and Lom- 
bard all contended against each other and the successors 
of Charles for the control of southern Italy and Rome, 
and after nearly another hundred years, during which 
the uncertain throne of Italy and the Holy Roman em- 
pire was occupied successively by Guido and Lambert 
of Spoleto, 891 and 894, Arnulf of Carinthia, 896, 
Lewis of Provence, 901, and Berengar of Friuli, 915, 
Rome saw the strange rise of the notorious Theodora, 
adventuress and senatrix, with her equally notorious 
daughters, Theodora and Marozia, and of Alberic and 
Hugo, their partners in daring and tyranny, the scan- 
dals of whose rule provoked the invitation of the Saxon 
Otto the First to the city, where he was crowned on 
February 2, 962. The Saxon line, 962 to 1024, saw the 
rival claims of emperor, pope, and feudal lords to the 
city of Rome, the rise of the communes of Italy, and the 
invitation of the Normans to aid against the Byzantines 
in the south, resulting in their lodgment there. 

The Franconian period, 1024 to 1125, included the 
great struggle between Gregory the Seventh and Henry 
the Fourth, the humiliation at Canossa, the taking of 
Rome in 1084 by Gregory’s ally, Robert Guiscard the 
Norman, the thirty years’ war of the Investitures, the 
preaching of the First Crusade by Urban the Second in 
1095, the appearance of the Franciscans and Domini- 
cans, and the rise of the barons in the Roman Cam- 
pagna, with the springing up of the great families of 
the Colonna, the Frangipani, and the Pierleoni. 


344 ETERNAL ROME 


To the Franconians succeed the Hohenstaufen, dur- 
ing whose tenure of the throne, 1125 to 1254, the com- 
munes reach their height, and the great figures of 
Frederick Barbarossa and Frederick the Second ap- 
pear in their hundred years of vain attempt to dominate 
the communes and to set the authority of the empire 
free from the need of papal confirmation. Their pres- 
ence, dividing Italy into factions of Ghibellines and 
Guelfs, is followed by that of Charles of Anjou, brother 
of Saint Louis of France, who, during the time from his 
invitation by the pope in 1265 to his death in 1285, ac- 
complishes the death of Manfred and Conradin, the 
successors of Frederick the Second as claimants to the 
lordship of Italy. 

Finally, four years after the exile of Dante, while 
Italy is fragmentary because of the communes, and 
seething with quarrels between pope and nobles and 
Guelf and Ghibelline, the Gascon Clement the Seventh 
removes the papal capital to Avignon in 1305, and the 
end of the long descent to darkness is reached. 

During all this time the city of Rome is a prey not 
only to the vicissitudes of the largér struggle of mon- 
archs coming and going over the land of Italy, but to 
the miseries of bitter local antagonisms. 'The murder 
and rapine of rival emperors and Goth and Vandal 
filled the fifth century. In these quarrels Rome was still 
strong enough to be one of the parties; but the sixth 
century found her helpless, as Goth and Byzantine con- 
tended over her dying body. The end of the Goth and 
the triumph of the Byzantine left her a mere dependency 
ruled from without by an agent from Ravenna, and 
from within by the ever-growing power of the bishop 
of Rome. The coming of the Lombard resulted in a 





MEDILAZVAL TOWER AND WALL AT TERNI 


TERNI WAS ANCIENT INTERAMNA, 
SIXTY-FIVE MILES NORTH OF ROME 


346 ETERNAL ROME 


being an authority so great that the pope was already 
king in all but name when the great Frank confirmed 
and extended the possessions of the Church into an 
actual state. 

But the conferring of the crown by Rome and the 
approval of the ecclesiastical state by the emperor were 
not simple matters. There were emperors who claimed 
the empire without the consent of the Church, and there 
were popes who insisted on the supremacy of the 
Church. Emperors resorted to force of arms, and popes 
employed the formidable weapon of excommunication. 
There were rival emperors set up by popes, and rival 
popes set up by emperors. The ninth and tenth cen- 
turies were filled with wars and broils. Now that the 
seat of the bishop of Rome was a throne, there were 
those who desired it for the sake of secular power alone. 
There were favors to receive and to confer. There were 
animosities to gratify. 

Nor was this all. To the uncertainty as to who was 
' the emperor and what was the empire, there was added 
the ambiguous position of the municipality of Rome. 
The limits of civil and ecclesiastical authority were 
never wholly distinct. There were those who rebelled 
against the temporal authority of the pope, and among 
the rebels themselves there were vigorous antagonisms 
between nobles and common people. In the course of 
time, as the civic consciousness developed, the conflict 
between patricians and people came to overshadow the 
issue between the city and the Church. Now the people 
ruled, and now the nobles; now one faction of the nobles 
ruled, and now another faction supplanted it. The pope 
from the Lateran approved now one, now the other, and 
made their quarrels the stepping-stones to his own ambi- 


THE CLOSING IN OF NIGHT 347 


tions. The absence of the popes at Avignon and the 
revival of the ancient Roman spirit in Cola di Rienzo 
made still more uncertain the state of the city. 


Such is the briefest possible account of the vicissitudes 
of Rome from the beginning of the fifth century to the 
end of the fourteenth. Such is the background without’ 
which the physical and moral fortunes of the Eternal 
City for their thousand years of eclipse can hardly be 
appreciated. These ten centuries are not a period, but a 
succession of periods. They were not a dark age except 
as their ignorance and lack of pride made them so. They 
formed a procession of years bright with exciting move- 
ment. They were above all a period of mutation; of 
mutation so frequent, so varied, and so rapid that to 
review them is to see the lively changes of the kaleido- 
scope. They were centuries of violence. Their history 1s 
the record of quarrels personal and factional, of riots, 
insurrections, rebellions, and wars. A year may pass, 
but not a decade, without its larger appeal to arms. An 
hour may pass, but hardly a day, without its personal 
conflict. It is a world of gigantic collectivism and petty 
individualisms. 


2. 
A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN 


ND what were the physical fortunes of the city 
during these centuries? 

The visitor to modern Rome who comes upon arches 
and columns sunk two-thirds of their height in the soil, 
or who finds the Forum an excavation thirty feet deep, 
its floor covered by the minute fragments that represent 
a score of famous imperial structures none of which now 
rises above its foundations, or who from the southern 
brow of the Palatine contemplates the valley where 
stood once the gigantic banks of seats containing a 
hundred and fifty thousand cheering Romans, is struck 
with amazement at the utter ruin of the ancient city. 
The disappearance of statuary, or of the lesser monu- 
ments and smaller private houses, he can easily imagine; 
but what power broke into pieces the invincible masses 
of Roman concrete that formed the foundations, walls, 
and vaulting of the Circus Maximus and the baths of 
Diocletian? Whither have disappeared the temples of 
solid marble and travertine, the veneer and ornament of 
palace and basilica, and the millions of cubic yards of 
masonry; and how came the pitiful remnants of all the 
city’s magnificence to be so deeply buried? 

As he reviews the vicissitudes of the city’s history, he 
finds the answer in a variety of causes. He finds it, first 
of all, in the devastation, direct and indirect, of the wars 
and broils of a thousand years. He finds it in the natural 
decay and neglect of time, and in earthquake, flood, and 
fire. He finds it in the ignorance, indifference, and self- 


A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN 349 


ishness of thirty generations of men who laid barbarous 
hands on ancient Rome to build a medieval and a mod- 
ern Rome. Rome was not a Pompeii or a Herculaneum, 
overwhelmed at a moment’s notice and for eighteen 
centuries conserved intact for the eyes of modern 
scholars; but a great city over which no friendly mantle 
was spread to protect it against the assaults of nature, 
or against the still more destructive hand of the miser- 
able population that found shelter in its ruins through 
the ages when darkness covered the earth and gross 
darkness the people. 

Again and again was the city martyred by siege or 
capture. War may not have been attended always by 
the overthrow of monuments, but if it did not cause 
their ruin directly, it caused it indirectly by decreasing 
the number and pride of the population and magnifying 
its poverty. The threats of Alaric in 408 extorted a 
million dollars from Rome. In the three days’ sack of 
August, 410, palace, temple, and bath were rifled of 
their treasure, statues and monuments were overturned 
or mutilated, the palaces of Sallust’s gardens and the 
adjacent buildings inside the Salarian gate, through 
which the army entered the city, were destroyed by 
fire, and other districts also suffered, while it could be 
reported that the dead were more than the living could 
bury. The testimony varies, however, and the statement 
of Augustine that surprisingly few senators were slain, 
and that the city was spared because of its churches and 
the Christians, probably means that whatever destruc- 
tion of life and property took place was that inseparable 
from the seizure of movable treasure. 

The fourteen days of Genseric’s ravage of the city 
in 455 was another systematic plundering in which all 


350 ETERNAL ROME 


portable objects of value, including a half of the gilt- 
bronze tiles of the temple on the Capitoline, perhaps the 
golden seven-branched candlestick and other precious 
spoil brought by Titus from Jerusalem, and the rem- 
nants of wealth in the palaces of the Cesars, with many 
captive citizens, were collected with business-like method 
and taken by ship to Carthage. Of the five months’ siege 
by Ricimer in 472, when the soldiers of the emperor 
Anthemius were reduced to eating leather and the popu- 
lation suffered in proportion, no destruction of the 
monuments is reported. The many repairs and restora- 
tions of Theodoric at the turn of the century might be 
taken to signify the suffering of the city in these three 
captures; but the work of Theodoric, which is to be 
traced in many parts of the city and included the Pala- 
tine, the Appian Way, the walls of Aurelian, and an 
attempt to drain the Pomptine marshes, with the ap- 
pointment of curators and special police for the pro- 
tection of monuments, was perhaps due more to natural 
decay and to danger from the Romans themselves than 
to actual destruction by Goth and Vandal. 

But the times of the great Ostrogoth passed. On De- 
cember 9, 536, ten years after Theodoric’s death, Beli- 
sarlus with his five thousand men entered the gates and 
prepared the city for defence against the successor of 
the king. During the struggle of twenty years between 
the Byzantine and the Goths, first commanded by 
Vitiges and then by Totila, Rome was five times taken. 
The siege of Vitiges alone, the hardships of which began 
in March, 537, saw sixty-nine engagements in the year 
and nine days before the Gothic king received his final 
defeat at the Mulvian bridge and withdrew along the 
Flaminian Way with what was left of one hundred and 


A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN © 351 


fifty thousand men. Seven camps had encompassed the 
city, the aqueducts were cut by the enemy, the Cam- 
pagna became a morass, the baths were emptied of 
their life, the fountains ceased to play, and the water- 
less era of five centuries began, during which the city 
resorted to the primitive uses of river, well, and cistern. 
It was then that the mills of the Janiculum ceased to 
erind and the floating mills of the Tiber took their place, 
to grind the city’s grists for a thousand years. The 
mausoleum of Hadrian, assaulted by the Goths, gave 
up the profusion of sculpture that adorned its balus- 
trades and terraces, to be broken and hurled in frag- 
ments upon the swarming besiegers, who left on the 
earth about the famous emperor’s tomb some thirty 
thousand dead. 

Recovering their strength under Totila, three years 
later elected king, and returning eight years after the 
first siege, they were more successful. The efforts of 
Belisarius to relieve the city were of no avail. On the 
night of December 17, 546, after long intercepting of 
the Roman supplies, Totila’s men rushed through the 
Porta Asinaria, still standing today beside the gate of 
Saint John, and entered a city whose streets and gar- 
dens were filled with graves, whose palaces contained 
no plunder, and whose temples only were inhabited by 
the few hundreds of despairing Romans left behind by 
the fleeing garrison after the horrible siege, famine, 
and desertion of a year and a half. Overthrowing one- 
third of Aurelian’s wall, the irate chieftain stripped the 
impoverished and empty city once more of its now scant 
spoil, took prisoner with him the senators, ordered the 
remnant of the common people to leave, and abandoned 
his conquest to desolation and solitude. For more than 


352 ETERNAL ROME 


forty days the city was without inhabitants; and, though 
Totila yielded to entreaty and spared the monuments, 
such was the terror of the time, and such the persistence 
of its memory, that remote generations, ignorant of the 
real cause of the city’s destruction, attributed all the 
ruin they saw about them to the Goths. 

The forces that accomplished the utter downfall of 
the city, however, were more gradual, and belonged to 
a later time. Depopulated and neglected though it was, 
the Rome over which Totila and Belisarius fought was 
not yet the heap of ruins which later centuries were to 
look upon. The care of the emperors of the fourth cen- 
tury had been revived and surpassed by Theodoric, 
whose words indicate a city still great: “the city which 
is indifferent to none, since she is foreign to none; the 
fruitful mother of eloquence, the spacious temple of 
every virtue, comprising within herself all the cherished 
marvels of the universe, so that it may in truth be said, 
Rome is herself one great marvel.” Cassiodorus, the 
minister of Theodoric, is enthusiastic in praise of the 
city and its monuments, making special mention of its 
“dense population of statues,” and of its equestrian 
monuments, which he calls its “abounding droves of 
horses.” In 549, Totila held the races in the Circus 
Maximus, and Narses in 554 celebrated the last triumph 
of ancient Rome amid the applauses of a population 
that may have numbered forty thousand. At a time 
perhaps as late as this, there were said to be in the city 
three thousand seven hundred and eighty-five bronze 
statues of emperors and other distinguished men. Even 
at the end of the century, in the opinion of the historian 
of Rome in the Middle Ages, Rome was richer in monu- 
ments than all the modern capitals of Europe combined. 


A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN — 353 


But this is not to say that the city of Gregory the 
Great presented the same aspect as the city entered by 
Alaric. If Vandal and Goth had not been altogether 
merciless, there were other causes of ruin. They existed 
in nature. There was the beating down of rain and sun, 
the alternation of heat and cold, the sweeping of wind 
and the whirling of dust, the tremor of earthquake, the 
sure pressure of the root in the crannied wall, the not 
infrequent fire, the undermining of foundations by the 
torrents that furrowed street and hillside with every 
violent storm, the bursting of the Tiber at flood over 
and through its ruinous banks, the seeping of its waters 
beneath the aging structures of the lower districts. The 
record of thirty floods of the Tiber for the first five 
hundred years of the Christian era, an average of one 
for every sixteen years, suggests the extent of nature’s 
aid in bringing about the downfall of the ancient city. 
The number set down for the succeeding thousand years 
is nearly as great, and the havoc wrought was the greater 
because of embankments no longer kept in repair. In 
1598, at noon of Christmas day, there was water twenty 
feet deep on the floor of the Pantheon. The damage 
done by floods in the fifth and sixth centuries was no 
doubt increased by such earthquakes as that of 422; 
and the ruin caused by fire was not inconsiderable, un- 
less conditions differed greatly from the days of the 
Empire, when great conflagrations swept the city again 
and again. 

Such forces as these alone would have wrought dark 
changes in the course of two hundred years, especially 
when aided by neglect. The monuments had begun to 
decay a hundred years before Theodoric, but when the 
terrible suffering and depletion of the wars between his 


354 ETERNAL ROME 


successors and the Byzantines had passed, neither men 
nor means longer existed even to contend with the 
forces of natural decay, to say nothing of restoration or 
construction. What the Visigoths, the Vandals, the 
Ostrogoths, and the Byzantines did not contribute to 
the ruin of Rome directly, they contributed indirectly 
so far as they aided in the ruin of the times. The column 
to Phocas, who reached the Byzantine throne through 
the murder of an emperor and his five sons, still stands 
at the head of the Forum where it was placed in 608, 
and, but for the statue that once surmounted it, is still 
intact. It was the last monument of ancient Rome,—a 
stolen column upon a stolen base, supporting perhaps 
a stolen statue. The wall of Aurelian, a world too wide 
for the shrunken population, enclosed a desolate area 
where the empty and crumbling temples and mansions 
of the glorious past outnumbered the wretched make- 
shifts of a spiritless present. Diogenes, holding the city 
for Belisarius in 549, had sowed fields of grain within 
the city walls. 

But “unswept stone, besmeared with sluttish time,” 
might of itself have endured as a witness to remote 
generations of the civilization that placed it there. Nei- 
ther mere neglect and decay nor the attacks of Goth 
and Vandal were the immediate causes of the city’s 
ruin. The hand of the Roman himself, and in times of 
peace, was the great destroyer. For over a thousand 
years the fallen and crumbling remains of classic times 
were a vast and inexhaustible quarry, of whose rich 
material alike prince and pauper availed themselves. 

The dismantling of ancient structures by the ruling 
class goes back at least to 203, when the portico of 
Octavia was restored by Septimius Severus with mate- 


A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN = 355 


rial from buildings of the time of Titus. Alexander 
Severus in 223, and Decius in 250, repaired the Coli- 
seum with miscellaneous fragments taken from other 
damaged buildings. The wall of Aurelian contains the 
ruins of many an ancient structure. The famous arch of 
Constantine, erected or reconstructed in 315, is really 
an arch of Domitian, with most of its sculptural orna- 
ment transferred from monuments of Trajan’s time. 
The church of Saint Peter was hurriedly built by the 
first Christian emperor into a part of Caligula’s circus, 
and finished with columns assembled from every part 
of the city. The same emperor also transported columns 
of porphyry from the old capital to the new. 

Only a score of years after Constantine, an emperor 
found it necessary to legislate against the spoliation of 
public buildings. One of Marjorian’s chief efforts in 
behalf of the city was the edict of July 10, 458, through 
which he was “determined to remedy the detestable 
process which has long been going on, whereby the face 
of the venerable city is disfigured.” “For it is too plain,” 
the edict continues, “that the public edifices, in which 
all the adornment of the city consists, are being every- 
where pulled to pieces at the suggestion of the city offi- 
cials, on the pretence that the stones are wanted for the 
public works. Thus the stately piles of our old build- 
ings are being frittered away, and great constructions 
are ruined in order to effect some trifling repair. Hence, 
too, it arises that private individuals engaged in house- 
building, who are in a position to curry favor with the 
city judges, do not hesitate to supply themselves with 
materials from the public buildings, although these, 
which have so much to do with the splendors of the city, 
ought to be regarded with civic affection, and repaired 


356. ETERNAL ROME 


rather than destroyed. We therefore decree that no 
buildings or ancient monuments raised by our fore- 
fathers for use or beauty shall be destroyed by any 
man; that the judge who orders their destruction shall 
pay a fine of fifty pounds of gold; and that the clerks 
and other subordinates who have fulfilled his orders 
shall be beaten with clubs and have their hands struck 
off,—those hands which have defiled the ancient monu- 
ments which they ought to have preserved. The build- 
ings which are altogether past repair shall be trans- 
ferred, to adorn some other edifice of a not less public 
character.” 

The year before this, Avitus, dismissing his Gothic 
soldiers from Rome in order to relieve the famine, sold 
bronze from the public monuments to pay them. The 
not yet calloused citizens were outraged by the act, and 
the law of Marjorian was probably its direct conse- 
quence. 

Less than half a century afterward, Theodosius em- 
ployed a night watch to prevent the theft of statues, 
now valued as material rather than art. The stormy 
times of Belisarius, Narses, and the Goths witnessed 
the use of many a monument for purposes of defence. 
The mausoleum of Hadrian, remaining a fortress after 
the attack of Vitiges, no doubt continued to lose its 
ornament and marble facing. The emperor Constans the 
Second, on his visit from Constantinople in 663, de- 
spoiled the Pantheon, already a Christian church, of its 
roof-tiles of gilded bronze. In the hundred years that 
had intervened, many a building partially ruined in the 
Gothic wars was farther dismantled by citizens and 
city, now reduced to the last degree of poverty. The 
plundered palaces still standing were adapted to the 


A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN = 357 


needs of the privileged, their restoration or repair ac- 
complished by the use of other decaying buildings. 

As for the common people, they found shelter as best 
they could in the ruinous dwellings in which they were 
born, and, when these no longer served, in the vaults 
and nooks of circus, theater, and temple, among the 
falling ruins of palace and portico, or against the walls 
of basilica, bath, and forum. The clay-pits beyond the 
Tiber, the tufa-beds of the Campagna, the forests of 
Italy, the world’s quarries of granite, porphyry, and 
marble, had long since ceased to send their contribu- 
tions to Rome. Whatever was built anew was built at 
the cost of the ancient city. Stone-cutter, lime-burner, 
mason, carpenter, and smith laid hands on what they 
could get, their only control the need of the moment. 
Even. in the comparatively enlightened times of ‘The- 
odoric, it had been necessary to protect the statuary. 
From this it may be imagined what must have been the 
fate not only of ornament, but of temple, palace, and 
all their kind, in the centuries when neither people nor 
ruler held them longer in respect, or even knew their 
meaning. 

“What is there in this world to gladden us?” cries 
Gregory the Great six hundred years after Augustus 
made Rome splendid with marble and bronze. “All 
around is mourning; all around is sighing. Cities are 
destroyed, fortresses levelled to the ground; farms laid 
waste; the earth reduced to a desert. No husbandman is 
left in the fields, scarcely a dweller remains in the towns, 
and still the remnant of mankind is daily stricken. The 
chastisement of divine justice knows no end, because 
the debt of sin, even under such punishments, is not 
wiped away. We see some led into captivity, some 


358 ETERNAL ROME 


maimed, others put to death. We are forced to recog- 
nize the position to which Rome, once the mistress of 
the world, is reduced. She is bowed down by pain un- 
fathomable, by depopulation, by the assaults of the 
enemy and the weight of her own ruins.” 

Let the imagination picture the Rome in which these 
words were uttered, and then let it essay to see in the 
same way the Rome of the latter tenth century, when 
for four hundred years more the decaying city has been 
quietly consuming herself. If the words of the great 
but despairing pope are an exaggeration for their own 
time, they would hardly be so for the city of the barons. 

And yet the process of disintegration was for a long 
time slow, for men, hopelessly sunk as they were in 
poverty and exhaustion, were neither actuated by great 
ambitions nor possessed of great energy. There came a 
time, after the passing of the darker centuries, when the 
hitherto peaceful destruction of the city was hastened 
by the raging of armed conflict among her citizens. The 
riots by which the streets of ancient Rome had too often 
been made unsafe did not cease with the fall of pagan- 
ism. The bloody encounters of optimate and democrat 
had been succeeded by those of pagan and Christian, 
and these by battles between pope and anti-pope. Fol- 
lowing these, with the removal of danger from Lombard 
and Greek, and with the acquisition of temporal power 
by the head of the Church, had come the rebirth of 
municipal consciousness and the rise of the communes. 
The pope’s pretentions to power over civil Rome were 
met with opposition, and the everlasting struggle began 
between the city and the papal throne. The powerful 
families of medieval Rome sprang into prominence, 
transformed by the growing feudal system into a proud 


A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN _ 359 


nobility whose princes sided now with pope and now 
with emperor and now with the people, and now fought 
fiercely among themselves. The neighboring cities and 
lands were their fiefs, given and taken away by pope 
or emperor as the conflict varied. The Campagna, the 
Albans, and the Sabines were dotted by dark fortresses, 
and Rome bristled with massive towers built into or 
from her ruins. 

The destruction of the ancient city, already hastened 
by the building of strongholds within and without her 
walls, now received the greatest impulse of all. Re- 
sponding to the call of Gregory the Seventh for help 
against Henry the Fourth, who had the pope shut up 
in the mausoleum of Hadrian, called since the time of 
the first Gregory the Castello Sant’ Angelo, the Nor- 
man Robert Guiscard swept rapidly up the Latin Way 
from the dominions he held in fief from the Church, 
encamped before the city three days after the retreating 
emperor had deserted it, and on the morning of May 
28, 1084, burst through the Porta del Popolo and the 
Porta di San Lorenzo, fought his way against the 
Ghibelline defenders through the blazing Campus Mar- 
tius, and liberated his feudal sovereign. The third day 
after, attacked and endangered while engaged in merci- 
less plundering, he added to a sack more savage than 
that of the Vandals a fire more destructive than Nero’s. 

The rapidity with which the city fell into ruin before 
this catastrophe was as nothing compared with that of 
the centuries which followed. The fire had swept the 
Campus Martius and the Lateran neighborhood, and 
had no doubt widely devastated other quarters. The 
face of the city suffered a great change. The Palatine 
had long been empty and abandoned; now the Celian 


360 ETERNAL ROME 


and the Aventine gradually lost the little population 
that had remained to them. The Forum, which had prob- 
ably continued up to this time to be a popular meeting- 
place, was deserted, to become the Campo Vaccino of 
later times. The people gravitated by degrees into the 
Campus Martius, where water was more abundant, and 
concentration easier. What fire and violence had over- 
thrown was utilized in the throwing together of other 
buildings, and the already great heaps of ruin were 
made still greater by the levelling of what decay and 
time had weakened. A new Rome arose in the great 
bend of the river where once had been the field of Mars, 
and the old Rome was the quarry and kiln from which 
its substance came. 

And it was not only the bare necessities of shelter 
that wrought ruin among the blackened monuments. 
The great families whose strongholds had long since 
begun to cast dark shadows over city and Campagna 
now dominated the life of Rome. The city became the 
prey of impetuous princes whose fierce quarrels, origi- 
nating in private dispute and taking the color of Guelf 
or Ghibelline partisanship, filled the streets with dis- 
order and danger, and whose marauding made the Cam- 
pagna unsafe even for the holy visitors to Rome. Their 
towers rose by the hundred within and without the city. 
Some of them were lofty fortresses of brick like the 
still surviving Torre delle Milizie, into whose walls were 
transferred the brick and marble of ancient Roman 
buildings; some were the ancient monuments themselves 
transformed into places of defence. 

Circuses, amphitheaters, and theaters, palaces, por- 
ticoes, temples, and triumphal arches, and the very 
tombs of the ancient great, were made to serve the pur- 


A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN 361 


poses of war. One gigantic fortress of the Orsini rose 
from the ruins of Pompey’s theater, another stood 
nearer the Tiber, and the region of the Vatican was 
under their control. The theater of Marcellus afforded 
shelter first to the Pierleoni, later to the Savelli, and 
finally to the Orsini. The Margani and the Statii held 
the Circus Flaminius. The Colonna lodged one of their 
greatest strongholds in the mausoleum of Augustus. 
The Coliseum, damaged by earthquake in the early 
thirteenth century, was claimed alike by the Frangipani, 
who dominated Celian and Palatine, and the Anibaldi, 
who controlled the Lateran quarter. The Septizonium, 
the arches of Titus and Constantine, the Janus Quad- 
rifrons, and the towers of the Circus Maximus, were 
all in the hands of the Frangipani. The Savelli held the 
Aventine. The Savelli and the Getani at different times 
fortified the mausoleum of Cecilia Metella on the Ap- 
pian Way. The tomb of the Plautii at the Ponte Lucano 
on the road to Tivoli suffered a similar transformation. 
When the senator Brancaleone, in 1257, gave order to 
destroy “the towers of the nobles, fortresses for the 
oppression of the populace, prisons for debtors, dens 
of infamy and violence,” there were some three hundred 
towers in the city, besides the three hundred still rising 
from the wall of Aurelian. How great was the destruc- 
tion of the monuments in the tearing down of the more 
than one hundred and forty towers against which the 
outraged people rushed at his command, may be imag- 
ined. The barons in their erection had dismembered 
ancient Rome. The people in the demolition of them 
dismembered it a second time. 

But the wearing of the elements, the work of Gothic, 
imperial; papal, feudal, and civic enmities, the appro- 


362 ETERNAL ROME 


priations by rich and poor for uses public and private, 
were not the only agents of destruction. The effect of 
the Church’s rise is not to be forgotten. During all the 
centuries, as the Church invisible grew gradually out 
of the heart of pagan society, so the visible capital of 
the Church grew out of the pagan capital. As the mate- 
rial City of the Cesars fell, the material City of God 
was rising. 

Before the official recognition of Christianity by 
Constantine, the meeting-places of the Christians in 
Rome were in most cases either private houses adapted 
to the simple needs of the time, without ceasing to be 
the possession of individual owners, or the less con- 
venient and less frequently used special chambers in 
the catacombs. With the removal of the ban, the scant 
number of churches other than these was increased by 
the free building of formal places of worship, the 
earliest of them being on the city’s outskirts at the en- 
trances of prominent catacombs, the later in the city 
itself side by side with the temples of paganism, and at 
Jast sometimes within their very walls. Among these 
earliest churches of diverse origin were those of Santa 
Pudenziana and Santa Prassede, developed from pri- 
vate houses, and the Constantinian churches, which in- 
cluded San Giovanni in Laterano, originally in the 
palace of the Laterani, nobles implicated in the con- 
spiracy against Nero, San Pietro in Vaticano, built 
out of ancient ruins on the reputed spot of the apostolic 
martyrdom, San Paolo Fuori, outside the walls on the 
Ostian Way, where the Saint’s death took place, San 
Lorenzo, outside the walls on the road to Tivoli, Santa 
A gnese, outside the Porta Nomentana at the catacombs 
of the Saint, Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, to the east 


A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN _ 368 


beside the Castrensian amphitheater, and Santi Pietro 
e Marcellino, another catacomb church on the road to 
Labicum. Besides these, most of them rising soon after, 
but some perhaps even before, were Santa Maria Mag- 
giore, on the Esquiline, Santa Maria in Trastevere, 
across the Tiber, Santa Cecilia, in the same quarter, San 
Clemente, near the Coliseum, beneath which are house 
1emains and a temple to Mithras, Santa Maria in Cos- 
medin, near the Palatine and Tiber, built over and into 
the remains of a temple or other public edifice, Santa 
Sabina, on the Aventine, in honor of a martyr of Ha- 
drian’s time, Santa Prisca, also on the Aventine, Santo 
Stefano Rotondo, on the Celian, Santi Giovanni e 
Paolo, built on the same hill over a patrician residence 
of the fourth century, San Crisogono, across the Tiber 
where the emperor Anthemius was killed in 472, San 
Martino ai Monti, built into the house of a presbyter on 
the Esquiline, Santa Susanna, on the Quirinal, a martyr 
of Diocletian, Santa Lucina, near the Augustan monu- 
ments in the Campus Martius, and San Marco, near 
the Capitol at the head of the Via Lata. The church of 
Santi Cosma e Damiano was lodged in an ancient 
building at the northeast corner of the Forum in 526- 
530, the senate a century later became the church of 
Sant’ Adriano, and a few years before, in 610, the Pan- 
theon had become Santa Maria Rotonda. 

These were the principal churches that rose out of 
the desolate and empty city of about the end of the 
Gothic wars. With them were many monasteries and 
convents. The three thousand virgins of Jerome’s time 
no doubt increased in number. In the time of Gregory 
the Third, who died in 741, there were four monasteries 
about Saint Peter’s alone. What the erection of all 


364 ETERNAL ROME 


these sacred edifices meant to the ancient monuments 
is easily imagined. The process may not always have 
been purely destructive. It frequently caused the peace- 
ful occupation and preservation, especially soon after 
the fall of paganism, of civic buildings, and, from the 
beginning of the seventh century, of here and there a 
temple; but even with the conservation of buildings as 
a whole went the destruction of details in the erection 
of pillars, pulpits, altars, choirs, and crypts, and in the 
general rearrangement of interiors, while many a church 
was built entirely from the ancient remains that rose 
on every hand. 

The revival of spirit on the part of the citizenship and 
the papal court in the times that followed the fire of 
Robert was only the cause of farther destruction. The 
building activities of the Church were as great as those 
of the people and the nobility. Not only were churches 
restored and built, but the church tower began to rise. 
The church bells were ringing at least as early as 
Paulinus of Nola, before the times of Jerome and Am- 
brose, and from 740 on were in common use in monas- 
teries. The first bell-tower in Rome, in the atrium of 
Saint Peter’s and overlaid with silver and gold, was the 
gift of Pope Stephen the Second, erected in gratitude 
for his success with Pepin in 754. Its kind soon multi- 
plied, especially when, at the approach of the feudal 
period, it could serve also the purposes of lookout and 
defence. By the time of Brancaleone’s senatorship, from 
among the three hundred towers of the barons inside 
the crown of three hundred towers on the wall of Au- 
relian there rose another three hundred by the side of 
church and monastery. Tall, square, of dark, ruddy 
brick, most of them with horizontal crowns, and with 


A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN — 365 


small windows divided by slender columns carrying 
round arches, they added to the belligerent picturesque- 
ness of the city. 

The erection and restoration of churches, with the 
development of the taste for decoration in marbles and 
fine stones, increased the already great demand upon 
the ancient remains. Inscriptions and statues, as well 
as the marble blocks of the larger monuments, found 
their way into the hands of lime-burner and marble- 
worker. The whole neighborhood of the Flaminian 
circus was known for its lime-kilns, and was called the 
Calcarario. Nearly every ruin of importance had its 
permanent or temporary kiln. The Forum Magnum and 
the imperial fora, the mausoleum of Augustus, the baths 
of Agrippa, the Julian basilica, the temple of Vesta, and 
many others, were thus equipped. A kiln of unburned 
statuary, ready for firing, was discovered in the palace 
of Tiberius. Cords of statues awaiting conversion into 
lime were found in the precincts of the Vestals. On the 
floor of the Julian basilica alone there were two kilns. 

The activity of the marble-workers, though finer, was 
not the less destructive. From the middle of the twelfth 
century to the end of the thirteenth, marble-cutter, ar- 
chitect, mosaicist, and sculptor drew upon the materials 
of Rome. It was the age of the Cosmati and their school, 
so much of whose beautiful work is still admired in the 
older churches. Floors were laid not only with cut slabs, 
but with the inscribed marbles entire of antiquity. Two 
hundred inscriptions were thus used in the church of the 
Santi Quattro Coronati, and nearly a thousand in San 
Paolo Fuori le Mura. Tombs, altars, and pulpits were 
hewn out of ancient pedestals, columns, and _ blocks, 
while the choice colored marbles, granites, alabasters, 


366 ETERNAL ROME 


serpentines, and porphyry which had come to the city 
of Augustus and his successors from every part of the 
world, were cut and polished for use in the mosaics and 
other decorative work which make the churches of 
Rome the richest in the world. The Aracceli, within and 
without, is an example of the method of the time; its 
floor is a vast and vari-colored carpet of slabs and mosaic 
in every kind of ancient stone, and the staircase of 1348 
that leads to its lofty doors, one of the most imposing 
in the world, is composed of one hundred and twenty- 
four marble steps from various ancient monuments. 

Nor did the work stop with Rome. The beautiful 
material which the capital had drawn from the utter- 
most parts of the earth now began to be pulled from its 
resting-places in the walls of temple and bath, or lifted 
from its bed in the accumulating soil, and sent on a 
second mission of beautification. Constantine had car- 
ried columns away to Byzantium, Theodoric and 
Charlemagne had transported Roman marble to Ra- 
venna and Aix. The cathedrals of Pisa, Lucca, and 
Monte Cassino were built largely of it. The Normans 
at the end of the eleventh century carried it off in quan- 
tities to use in the cathedral at Salerno. Later, the Sar- 
dinian monastery of Our Lady at Tergu, the church of 
Saint Francis at Civitavecchia, the cathedral at Orvieto, 
and many a church in the nearer vicinity of Rome, were 
beautified from the same source. Westminster Abbey 
itself has its Roman marbles. 

The ancient city was inexhaustible. Such was the 
facility with which marbles could be obtained that the 
marmorata, or marble-wharf, whose activities had 
ceased in the fourth century, leaving within its precincts 
by the Tiber below the Aventine a vast store of material 


A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN — 367 


not even now exhausted, was not exploited until the 
twelfth century, and then perhaps rather in the search 
for the rare than because of any lack. The great build- 
ings of antiquity were gradually consumed in a process 
which for centuries was part of the life of every day. 
There were exceptional times when fire or feud wrought 
havoc more swiftly than usual, and there no doubt were 
also times when the stirrings of pride prompted meas- 
ures on the part of pope, municipality, or emperor, and 
the destruction was for the moment stayed or kept 
within bounds; but, for the most part, sentiment for 
what was ancient was a thing unknown, and the privi- 
lege of utilizing was freely granted to those who could 
pay, or secured without cost by those who had other 
ways of obtaining their desires. 

It was in this manner that the transformation of 
Rome in the century or two following the fire of Robert 
in 1084, though representing a revival of building en- 
terprise, only rendered the desolation more apparent. 
The city of the Dark Age, huddled in the low Campus 
Martius and about Saint Peter’s across the Tiber, had 
first left empty the southern, central, and eastern re- 
gions, and then consumed them. A poet of a hundred 
years before the fire had made the downfallen city cry: 
“I was resplendent, and celebrated through all the 
world . . . and as I once strewed it with delights now 
I sprinkle it with tears.” Hildebert of Tours, making a 
visit to it in 1106, twenty-two years after the coming 
of the Norman, laments: “Equal to thee, Rome, there 
is nothing, all but utterly in ruins though thou art; how 
great thou wert whilst yet unharmed, in thy fragments 
thou dost show. Long ages have overthrown thy proud 
state; the citadels of Cesar and the temples of the gods 


368 ETERNAL ROME 


lie prostrate in the mire. . . . Woe, and alas! The city 
is fallen, and while I gaze upon her ruins and ponder 
her fate, I can only say, Rome hath been. Yet neither 
the flight of years, nor flame, nor the sword, have availed 
to destroy to the uttermost the glory that I see. So much 
still remains, so much is fallen in ruin, that neither the 
part still standing may be levelled, nor the part already 
in ruins be again raised up.” “In comparison with its 
ancient state,’ adds William of Malmesbury as he com- 
ments on Hildebert’s poem, “Rome seems now a little 
town.” 

And outside of the decayed city enclosed by Au- 
relian’s wall, the Campagna rolled to the mountains and 
the sea. Ravaged by Goth, Vandal, Byzantine, and 
Lombard, its aqueducts in fragments, its drainage 
choked, it had sunk into a solitude of ruined farms and 
pastures which, like the city, was saved from absolute 
death only by the life of the Church. Belonging largely 
to the patrimonies of Saint Peter and the pope, and an 
important factor in the rise of the temporal power, after 
its long decline it had begun in the tenth century to re- 
vive. The towers and strongholds erected for defence 
against the Saracens and for the protection of farms 
against the brigands of local origin grew under the 
feudal system into the towers and castled villages held 
by retainers of pope and emperor. 

More than seventy of these are known to have existed. 
There still remain in the Campagna today some fifty- 
seven villages whose origin goes back to the Middle 
Age, and forty-four farm or pasture holdings with 
“tower” entering into their names. By the thirteenth 
and fourteenth centuries the Savelli were at Aricia and 


A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN — 369 


Albano, the Conti at Valmontone, the Orsini at Monte 
Rotondo and Marino, the Caetani at Sermoneta and 
Fondi, the Frangipani at Astura, the Anibaldi at Cave 
and Molara, and the Colonna at Palestrina, Paliano, 
Genazzano, and Olevano. 

In spite of its rise in prosperity, however, the Cam- 
pagna was beset with dangers from armed men and 
from fever. When the hosts of Barbarossa melted away 
under the pestilence in August, 1167, it was not the 
only time when the scourge of the Campagna proved 
the friend as well as the foe of Rome. “Rome, devourer 
of men, bends the necks of the proud,” wrote Saint 
Peter Damiani; “Rome, fertile in fevers, is most rich in 
the fruitage of death; the fevers of Rome may be 
trusted to keep their faith.” 

In 1198, we are told, the population of the city and 
the Campagna numbered about thirty-five thousand. A 
man of forty was hard to find, a man of sixty impossible. 
In 1230, a flood of the Tiber, described as one of the 
most destructive yet experienced, swept the Leonine 
part of the city and the Campus Martius, carried away 
a bridge, and drowned some thousands of people. Ter- 
rible famine and pestilence immediately followed. 
Eleven years later, a priest-writes from Rome to a mem- 
ber of the clergy who contemplates attendance at a 
council there: “How can you enjoy safety in the city, 
where all the citizens and the clergy are in daily strife 
for and against both disputants? The heat is insuffer- 
able, the water foul, the food is coarse and bad; the air 
is so heavy that it can be grasped with the hands, and is 
filled with swarms of mosquitos; the ground is alive 
with scorpions, the people are dirty and odious, wicked 


370 ETERNAL ROME 


and fierce. The whole of Rome is undermined, and from 
the catacombs, which are filled with snakes, arises a 
poisonous and fatal exhalation.” 

This is the language of exaggeration, but in essence 
it conveys the truth regarding its time. The Rome of 
the papal absence, however, sank still farther in the 
decay of both men and monuments. The prostration of 
the city by the Normans was but momentary as com- 
pared with the long misery of seventy years during 
which the papal court remained at Avignon. In the 
early twelfth century, the vigor of a reviving age at 
least caused a reaction in its affairs; but by the four- 
teenth century not only had Rome consumed itself by 
the destruction of the pagan remains, but the Christian 
city into whose walls they had passed was itself crum- 
bling with decay. Hadrian the First, the pope of Charle- 
magne’s first visits, had already made extensive repairs 
in various churches. The atrium of Saint Paul’s at the 
time was grazed by cattle. The portico and interior of 
Saint Peter’s were in need of restoration. The history 
of the Lateran buildings is characteristic. The palace 
of the pagan Laterani, donated to the bishop of Rome 
by Constantine, the residence of the popes from 318 to 
1305, when Avignon became their seat, and the Chris- 
tian analogue of the pagan Palatine, was besieged and 
sacked by the exarch of Ravenna in 640, was in need 
of repair in Charlemagne’s time, and in 1099 was again 
in ruins. The near-by Lateran basilica, also the work 
of Constantine, and, like the palace, built largely of 
pagan remains, collapsed in 897, was rebuilt by Sergius 
the Third after having lain seven years in ruin, was 
once more in a ruinous condition after the visit of the 


A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN 3871 


Normans, and was a second and a third time destroyed 
by fire, on May 6, 1308, and in 1360. 


The absence of the popes was the darkness before the 
dawn. At the time when Petrarch was composing his 
odes and Cola di Rienzo was dreaming among her 
fallen monuments, Rome was more hopelessly sunk in 
misery than she ever had been except in the moment of 
actual war, or than she ever would be again. 

The whole southern part of the city was deserted. 
The Palatine was a mass of grass-grown débris. The 
Forum was a pasture under whose sod were hidden dis- 
mantled foundations and quarries of broken blocks and 
mutilated columns and statues. Hills were rounded and 
valleys filled. In the middle of the century, the western 
half of the great shell of the Coliseum had come crash- 
ing to the ground, and a mountain of travertine blocks 
lay at the base of the gigantic remains. Column, facade, 
and wall throughout the city were pitted and scarred by 
the tools of the searcher after the coveted clamps of 
metal hidden in their joints. On the crumbling founda- 
tions of concrete, stripped of their marble and useless 
now, shrubbery and grass were growing, and ivy man- 
tled the great walls of bath and circus, and the marble 
pillars that still stood; while here and there from amid 
the desolate ruins of the civilization whose origin and 
character were an enigma to the generation that walked 
among its remnants, rose convent, monastery, and 
church, with bell-towers of brick and marble and colored 
stones, and rugged feudal strongholds dotting the crests 
and slopes of the hills. There were waste areas even in 
the more densely peopled quarters, and vacant, tumble- 
down dwellings with staring windows stood side by side 


372 ETERNAL ROME 


with the habitations of the noble. Eleven of the four 
hundred and twenty-four churches were in ruins, forty- 
four were without clergy, and the rest but poorly pro- 
vided. The gable of the Lateran had fallen in an earth- 
quake, and the upper half of the Torre delle Mailizie. 
The church of the ‘Twelve Apostles was overthrown, 
Saint Paul’s lay a heap of ruins, Saint Peter’s stood 
abandoned. The Black Death had visited the city in 
1348; in Florence, three out of five had fallen its prey. 
The population may have been as low as seventeen 
thousand, or as high as fifty thousand, but it was only 
a handful in the capacious area girdled by the eleven 
miles of turret-crowned walls. | 

“By reason of the pope’s absence,’ says the biog- - 
rapher of Eugenius the Fourth at the beginning of the 
next century, “Rome had become like a village of herds- 
men; sheep and cows wandered about in the city.” An 
English chronicler wrote: “O God, how pitiable is 
Rome! Once she was filled with great nobles and palaces, 
now with huts, thieves, wolves, and vermin, with waste 
places, and the Romans themselves tear each other to 
pieces.” 

Let Petrarch, with the eloquence of sorrow, picture 
the desolation of the beloved city: ‘The houses are over- 
thrown, the walls come to the ground, the temples fall, 
the sanctuaries perish, the laws are trodden underfoot. 
The Lateran lies on the ground, and the Mother of all 
the churches stands without a roof and exposed to wind 
and rain. The holy dwellings of Saint Peter and Saint . 
Paul totter, and what was lately the temple of the 
Apostles is a shapeless heap of ruins to excite pity in 
hearts of stone.” 


Or, let the author of the Life of Cola di Rienzo de- 





THE TORRE DELLE MILIZIE 


ERECTED ABOUT 1200 A.D. 





A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN = 378 


pict the sufferings of the people to whom the tribune’s 
heart was burning to restore the proud heritage of Ro- 
man citizenship: “The city of Rome was sunk in the 
deepest distress. There was no one to govern. Fighting 
was of daily occurrence; robbery was rife. Nuns, even 
children, were outraged, wives were torn from their 
husbands’ beds. Laborers on their way to work were 
robbed at the very gates of the city. Pilgrims were 
plundered and strangled; the priests were evil-doers; 
every sin was unbridled. There was only one law,—the 
law of the sword. There was no other remedy than 
self-defence in combination with relatives and friends. 
Armed men assembled together every day.” 

It is not to be wondered at that the scriptural simile 
of the city as a widow was already worn when Petrarch 
used it in 1351: “How doth the city sit solitary that was 
full of people! how is she become as a widow!” Dante, 
half a century before, had seen her in the same guise: 


Vient a veder la tua Roma che piagne, 

Vedova, sola, e di e notte chiama, 

Cesare mio, perché non m’accompagne? 
[ Purgatorio, VI: 112-114] 


Come, see thy Rome that weeping still doth bide, 
Widowed, alone, and calling night and day, 
Cesar, my son, why hast thou left my side? 


3. 
ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 


HE history and description of the city in which the 

medieval Roman dwelt are in themselves an elo- 
quent commentary upon his character. It remains to 
give the commentary an ampler meaning by comparing 
him with other men of the times. 

To look upon any single generation or individual as 
a type of the whole would betray scant appreciation of 
the length and content of an era whose duration was 
more than twice the time elapsed since the New World 
was discovered, and which was itself made up of periods 
almost as distinct from each other as the whole is from 
either the age which preceded it or the age which fol- 
lowed. And yet, just as there are certain traits belong- 
ing to the whole Dark Age, so are there certain ones 
which mark the Roman of the period. For the most part, 
they are not peculiar to him. The distinction between 
the Roman and the rest of the world of his time les 
not so much in exclusive traits as in the exaggerated 
strength or weakness with which traits common to 
medieval men appear in him. In the ebb and flow of 
this exaggeration, too, and not in the appearance of 
aught that was new, are to be sought the differences 
that mark his character in the different epochs of the 
age. 

It is true of the Roman more than of other medieval 
men that he was a composite of the Christian and the 
pagan. He was the fulfilment in one person of the 
promises of both paganism and Christianity, the incar- 


ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 375 


nation of the compromise already in the fourth cen- 
tury far on in the process of formation. He neither sank, 
however, to the utter perdition of which decadent pa- 
ganism had seemed to be the prophecy, nor reached the 
sublime heights to which the nascent Church had given 
promise of rising. His Christian inheritance kept him 
from the one, the burden of his pagan legacy from the 
other. 

The Roman of the Dark Age was a duality. All men 
of his age were, and all Christians of all ages have been. 
From the very nature of his religion, the Christian is at 
constant war with himself. There were, however, reasons 
why the Roman was especially divided against him- 
self. He was the descendant of classical civilization, he 
was an Italian, and he was a Roman. Nations just 
emerging from the darkness of barbarism could receive 
the Christian faith and be transformed by it; but for 
classic Italy, already ancient and of a culture highly 
expert, such rebirth was hardly possible. It was the dif- 
ference between the conversion of childhood and of old 
age. Barbarism believed, experienced the inner change, 
and began gradually to grow into new being. Classic 
civilization, although it accepted Christianity, asserting 
its regeneration and really believing in its own belief, 
could not so easily put off the old man. What the hum- 
ble and secluded early Church could do, comprising the 
merest handful of the city’s population, was no longer 
possible when it became coextensive with Roman so- 
ciety and found itself infinitely entangled in the meshes 
of pagan tradition. 

It should not be forgotten that the Christian culture 
was at once nascent and decadent. Just as Christianity 
possessed itself of pagan art and infused into it a new 


376 ETERNAL ROME 


purpose without arresting its decline into the art of 
barbarism, so did it seize upon the whole body of pagan 
society in the fourth century and change its attitude 
without arresting its decay. The principle of life was 
planted; but a gradual death of the old and the painful 
birth of the new were necessary before the seed could 
come to fruition. 

As far as view of life was concerned, the Roman of 
the Dark Age differed greatly from his ancestor of 
Augustan times. The ancient Roman, whose ideas of 
righteousness had been concerned with conduct rather 
than attitude; who conceived of the spring of action as 
lying in himself alone, and who was his own last resort; 
who looked upon good fortune as his own to win and 
enjoy, and upon ill fortune and death as his own to 
meet and endure; to whom earth was reality, and fu- 
ture existence a pale and shadowy imitation of earthly 
things; who, in a word, was self-controlled and self- 
reliant,—had by the sixth century evolved into the 
medixeval Roman, who had learned that there was a 
power not himself which made for righteousness, and 
without which his own efforts were in vain; to whom 
heaven and hell were realities, and this world but an 
uncertain tarrying-place; whose sorrows were lightened 
by divine consolation, and whose joys were the gift of 
the grace of God; whose ideas of virtue were based upon 
attitude rather than conduct. The thorough impression 
of this manner of thought upon the minds of men was 
the Church’s great achievement. 

Under the right conditions, such a theory of life re- 
sults in chastened conduct. The earliest Roman Chris- 
tians had proved it. It is broadly true, however, that it 
was in theory alone that the Roman of later time dif- 


ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 377 


fered from the pagan Roman, and that his actual con- 
duct remained in most particulars the same. Christianity 
had possessed itself of the fabric of paganism, but was 
itself possessed in the process. The decline of literature, 
art, and intelligence in general, the weakening of the 
state’s resources, the loss of vigor, the decay of civic 
responsibility, and the universal disintegration of forces 
went on uninterrupted. 

That the ruin of character also, if farther ruin was 
possible, was involved in the general downfall of the 
ancient civilization at Rome, or at least that the progress 
of regeneration was imperceptible, is the conclusion 
forced upon the reader of the city’s history during the 
Dark Ages. If morals and the Church were still in- 
separably associated, as they had been in the time of 
Paul and the martyrs, it was more in theory than in 
practice. The story of Rome during the Dark Ages is 
in large part the narrative of worldly ambition. Up to 
the time of Charlemagne, the Church had striven for 
supremacy over the churches of the western world; from 
that time, its ambition was to make itself temporal as 
well as spiritual ruler over the empire. In the endless 
series of embroilments and wars, foreign and domestic, 
which followed the one the other without intermission, 
there were few in which the pope was not actively con- 
cerned, and of most he was the actual cause. If he dif- 
fered from other temporal rulers in his use of political 
and military means, the difference is not apparent with- 
out the closest examination. The conscious employment 
of the donation of Constantine and the Isidorian de- 
cretals, the decree of the senate against the sale of the 
papacy in the early sixth century, and the declaration 
of Leo the Ninth’s Council in 1049, that if he should 


378 ETERNAL ROME 


carry out his measures of reform the Roman churches 
would be left entirely without priests, suggest the 
strength of ecclesiastical and personal selfishness in the 
vicar of Christ and his servants. The excesses of a John 
the T'welfth or a John the Twenty-second, or of a Bene- 
dict the Ninth, made pope at the age of twelve, and de- 
scribed as “more boyish than Caligula, more criminal 
than Heliogabalus,” indicate the depths to which the 
holy office could plunge. The exhumation, trial, and 
throwing of Formosus into the Tiber in 897 to satisfy 
the hatred of Stephen the Sixth, the cruelty of Stephen 
the Third and his party, 766-772, who imprisoned and 
blinded opposing cardinals and bishops and cut out 
their tongues, and inflicted upon the pope’s fallen rival 
the unspeakable mutilation, the pollution of the altars 
of Saint Peter’s itself by theft, lust, and murder,—such 
things as these could come to pass in the spiritual capi- 
tal of the western world. 

During the two hundred years between 872 and 1073 
there were forty-nine popes, and the scenes recorded 
of the times are worse than the scenes of ancient Rome. 
The riots of democrats and aristocrats and blues and 
greens of the olden time were continued in the factional 
fights of rivals for the papal throne. The bread and 
games with which the emperors had purchased the good 
will of the pagan populace were succeeded by the dole 
dispensed by the pope to a mob of ravenous Christians 
ready to turn and rend him at the first sign of denying 
them their desires. The Roman accepted without ques- 
tion the Christian doctrine, and recognized as a matter 
of course the authority of the Church; but the weakness 
of his decadent character made the pleasing of God by 
self-restraint so difficult that he lapsed into the old 


ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 379 


method of establishing himself in the right relation with 
God through formal acts. He believed what he was told 
to believe, rendered what he was told to render, observed 
the forms required by the discipline of the Church, and 
went on with the life according to this world. 

It would be far from true to say that the Christian 
faith was inoperative, and it would be less truthful to 
say that there were no popes of lofty purpose and up- 
right lives, or that there was nothing in the circum- 
stances of the age to excuse the means at times adopted 
by those whose greatest fault was ambition for the 
Church; but it must be said that the disparity between 
the Christian ideal and the practice of men was greater 
in the Christianized capital of paganism than elsewhere. 
Rome was so barren of spirituality and so fertile in dis- 
order and crime that she outraged even the blunt medie- 
val sense. Visitors from outside Italy were shocked by 
what they saw in the city which from childhood they 
had been taught to love and venerate as the seat of 
spiritual empire. 

“Rome,” declared Arnulf of Orleans in the tenth cen- 
tury, “is the seat of every iniquity. While learning and 
piety are being cultivated in all the nations of the north, 
Rome is sunk in ignorance and sin.” Gaufried, a Nor- 
man monk of Hildebrand’s time, may exaggerate, but 
his words are not surprising to the reader of history: 
“Rome, thou decayest in thy despicable cunning; no 
one fears thee; thou offerest thy neck to every scourge. 
_ Thy weapons are blunted, thy laws are falsified. Thou 
art full of lies, of trickery and avarice. No faith, no 
chastity, nothing but simoniacal pestilence is found 
within thee. With thee all is venal. Instead of one pope, 
thou must have two. Does one give? thou drivest the 


380 ETERNAL ROME 


other away; does one cease to give? thou callest the 
other back. Thou threatenest one with the other and so 
thou fillest thy wallet. Once the source of all virtues, 
now the pit of all disgrace. No noble customs dwell 
longer in thee, but with unabashed forehead thou prose- 
cutest the vile arts of gain.” 

Crusaders, piously halting in the capital of the great 
head of the Church at whose behest they were on the way 
to slay the enemies of the Christian faith in the east, 
were sometimes struck with wonder at sights which were 
not the least item in the experience among men which 
fell to the lot of the soldier of the Cross. Besides finding 
themselves called upon to fight out the quarrels of rival 
claimants to the papacy, they were not left unmolested 
in Saint Peter’s itself. “As we entered the basilica,” 
says one of them, “we found the people of the imbecile 
pope Wibert with swords in their hands; they seized 
the votive offerings which we had placed on the altars, 
they climbed on the beams of the church and threw 
stones down on us; when we knelt in prayer they de- 
sired to murder everyone who appeared to them as the 
follower of Urban.” 

Rome herself, the inspirer of the Crusades, took no 
part worth mention in their execution. The light of 
chivalry does not relieve her dark centuries; her fight- 
ing and robbery were not in the least romantic. It may 
not have been political prejudice alone that prompted 
a French monk, the partisan of Avignon, to preach on 
his return from Rome on the text, ““A certain man went 
down from Jerusalem to Jericho and fell among 
thieves’; and to charge the Romans with cowardice, 
greed, and degradation deeper than he could have be- 
lieved had he not seen it with his own eyes. “The scepter 





ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 381 


of Rome and her lofty palaces,” says an epigram of the 
time, “are prostrate in the mire; the towering home of 
Cesar is now the mean hovel of the pauper. Rome is 
nothing now; there is nothing left of her but a trace; 
Cesar in his own city beholds nothing worthy of Cesar.” 

Again and again was the Church’s influence saved 
from the ruin with which worldly and unscrupulous 
leadership threatened it. Hardly was the Christian 
world free from persecution before monasticism arose 
to make possible for those who believed in the ways of 
the primitive Church the life which their consciences 
demanded. From the Benedictines of Monte Cassino 
in the sixth century, from their brethren of Cluny in 
the eleventh, from the mendicant order of Francis and 
the missionaries of Dominic in the twelfth, came the 
infusions of moral and spiritual lifeblood which set 
Church and papacy again on the road to health; but 
Rome herself was so far from being the immediate 
source of reform that her atmosphere endangered the 
ideals of every reformer who sat on the throne of Peter. 
During the two hundred and fifty years following the 
acquisition of the temporal power at the hands of Pepin, 
the period of lowest ebb in Roman morality, forty-five 
of the forty-seven popes were either from Rome or from 
the states of the Church. When reform on the papal 
throne did come, it was with the northern and Cluniac 
popes, while its effect, always less at Rome than else- 
where, soon gave way to renewed decline. 

And it was not only in these respects that the Roman 
of the Dark Ages was worse than others of his time. 
Nowhere else did ignorance seem so great as in the 
presence of the classical monuments. In 683 a man who 
knew both Greek and Latin was a phenomenon. The 


382 ETERNAL ROME 


only women remarkable for learning from 476 to 800 
were Amalasuntha and Adalberga, both of northern 
blood. What knowledge had been saved from the ruins 
of the ancient world was in the hands of the Church, but 
Rome was not its seat. The monasteries whose inmates 
fanned the sacred embers were elsewhere. Gregory the 
Great, Roman-born and prefect of the city, nuncio to 
Constantinople, knew no Greek, prohibited the reading 
of the pagan authors by the clergy, and was hostile to 
humane learning. Not a single Roman name conspicuous 
for talent of any kind appears in the history of the tenth 
century. The priest’s education was finished when he 
was able to read the service. The common people spoke 
a barbarous corruption of the ancient Roman tongue 
which did not begin to be Italian as distinguished from 
Latin until at least the latter part of the ninth century. 
Gregory of Tours in the sixth probably reflects the cul- 
tural deficiencies of the clergy when he confesses diffi- 
culties with syntax and betrays an ignorance of the 


ancient authors. At the end of the thirteenth, the idiom — 


of the capital was still so graceless that Dante called it 
“the melancholy language of the Romans.” 

Men forgot not only the tongue of their ancestors, 
but its literature was no longer intelligible to them. In 
the lack of both ambition and ability to read the little 
that had not been lost, they became possessed of the 
strangest ideas regarding the great men and events of 
ancient times. It was the age of legend-making. The 
myths of Isis and Mithras and the tales of astrologer 
and magician lived on in the wonder-tales of relics and 
sainted martyrs. The religion of the present and the 
history of the past, as well as the life to come, were seen 
in the light of the magic and supernatural. Virgil was 





ee 





THE ROUND TEMPLE NEAR THE TIBER 


ERECTED IN THE FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST; 
IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY IT WAS CALLED SANTO STEFANO, 
IN THE SIXTEENTH SANTA MARIA DEL SOLE 





ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 383 


a necromancer who escaped from prison in Rome and 
was borne by ship through the air to Apulia. His poems 
were valuable chiefly for the casting of lots. The won- 
derlands in which adventurous Moor and Frank and 
Crusader and Saracen roved came into being in minds 
prepared and willing. The remnants of the greatness 
of ancient Rome that lay on every hand were interpreted 
in the same fantastic manner as the memories of Virgil 
and the relics that reposed in every church. Greek, Ro- 
man, and Biblical heroes were ludicrously mingled in 
the stories that went from mouth to mouth and from 
generation to generation in an age which did not read 
and write, and classical times were dressed in medieval 
garments. What the men of the dark centuries thought, 
if indeed they ever thought, as they looked upon the 
remnants of the dead city, may be suggested by the 
statistics and tales which represent the guide-book and 
travel knowledge of the times. 

“Rome,” quaintly begins Benjamin of Tudela in 
Spain, a Hebrew visitor to the city about the latter 
part of the twelfth century,—“Rome is divided into 
two parts by the river of Tiber, the one part being on 
one side, the other part on the other. In the first is a 
right great temple, that is called Saint Peter’s of Rome, 
and there also is the palace of the great Julius Cesar; 
and there, moreover, are full many buildings and works, 
the like whereunto are not in the world. And around 
the part of Rome wherein men dwell, are spread out 
twenty and four miles of ruins. And there be found 
therein eighty Palaces of full mighty kings, that be all 
called emperors from ‘Tarquin’s reign unto the reign of 
Pepin son of Charles, who first conquered Spain, when 
it was holden of the Ishmaelites. The Palace of Titus 


384 HTERNAL ROME 


is without Rome, who was not received by the three 
hundred Senators, because he had not fulfilled their 
commandment, and had not taken Jerusalem until the 
third year, whereas they had set him to do it in two 
years. Moreover there is the Palace of Vespasian, after 
the manner of a castle, a right great building and a 
strong. There also is the Palace of King Malgalbinus, 
in whose palace there be three hundred and three score 
houses, after the number of days in the year, the compass 
whereof reacheth unto three miles. And whereas upon 
a time war arose among them, more than an hundred 
thousand men were slain in this palace, whose bones 
are hung there unto this day; and the Emperor set 
forth in carved work all that had happened in that war, 
how faction was set against faction, host against host, 
men and horses with their armour, all in marble, for to 
show unto them that came after how great a war had 
once been. Moreover is found there a cave under ground, 
where the Emperor and the Empress his wife sit on 
thrones, and an hundred barons of his realm stand 
around, all embalmed with drugs unto this day. 

““And there be there, in Saint John’s church at the 
Latin Gate, at the altar, two brazen pillars of the works 
of King Solomon, to whom be peace; and in each of 
them is cut the inscription, Solomon Son of David; and 
it was told unto me by Jews abiding in Rome, that every 
year on the ninth day of the month Abib, a sweat like 
unto water droppeth from those pillars. And there is a 
crypt, or privy chamber, wherein Titus, son of Vespa- 
sian, did hide the holy vessels taken from Jerusalem. 

“There is also another crypt, in a hill by the shore of 
the river Tiber, wherein be buried the ten righteous men 
of blessed memory, who were slain. . . 


ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 385 


‘““Moreover, before the basilica of the Lateran is Sam- 
son carved in stone, holding a globe in his hand. Then 
there is Absalom, son of David, and the Emperor Con- 
stantine, who built the city that is called after his name 
Constantinople; whose image with his horse is of gilded 
bronze. ‘There be moreover other buildings and works in 
Rome, the number whereof no man can tell.” 

The legends appearing in the Mirabilia, an anony- 
mous document of the same period, and in the Graphia, 
a recension of it at a not much later date, are no less 
characteristic. 

“There is at the Lateran a certain brazen horse, that 
is called Constantine’s horse,” says the author of the 
former, in the attempt to account for the equestrian 
statue, it may be, of Marcus Aurelius; “but it is not so, 
for whosoever will know the truth thereof, let him 
read it here. 

“In the time of the Consuls and Senators, a certain 
full mighty king from the parts of the Kast came to 
Italy, and besieged Rome on the side of the Lateran, 
and with much slaughter and war afflicted the Roman 
people. Then a certain squire of great beauty and vir- 
tue, bold and subtle, arose and said to the Consuls and 
Senators: If there were one that should deliver you from 
this tribulation, what would he deserve from the Senate? 
and they answered and said: What thing soever he shall 
ask, he shall presently obtain it. Give me, said he, thirty 
thousand sesterces, and ye shall make me a memorial of 
the victory, when the fight is done, and a horse of gilded 
bronze of the best. And they promised to do all that he 
asked. Then said he, Arise at midnight and arm you all, 
and stand at watch within the walls, and whatsoever I 
shall say to you, that shall ye do. And they forthwith 


B86.) ETERNAL ROME 


did that he bade them. Then he mounted an horse with- 
out a saddle, and took a sickle. For he had seen of many 
nights the king come to the foot of a certain tree for his 
bodily need, at whose coming an owlet, that sat in the 
tree, always hooted. The squire therefore went forth of 
the city and made forage, which he carried before him 
tied up in a truss, after the fashion of a groom. And 
as soon as he heard the hooting of the owlet, he drew 
near, and perceived that the king was come to the tree. 
He went therefore straightway towards him. The lords 
that were with the king, thought he was one of their own 
people and began to cry, that he should take himself 
out of the way from before the king. But he, not leaving 
his purpose for their shouting, whiles he feigned to go 
from the place, bore down upon the king; and such was 
his hardihood that in spite of them all he seized the king 
by force, and carried him away. Anon, when he was 
come to the walls of the city, he began to cry, Go forth 
and slay all the king’s army, for lo! I have taken him 
captive. And they, going forth, slew some and put the 
others to flight; and the Romans had from that field 
an untold weight of gold and silver. So they returned 
glorious to the'city; and all that they had promised to 
the aforesaid squire they paid and performed, to wit, 
thirty thousand sesterces, and an horse of gilded brass 
without a saddle for a memorial of him, with the man 
himself riding thereon, having his right hand stretched 
forth, that he took the king withal, and on the horse’s 
head a memorial of the owlet, upon whose hooting he 
had won the victory. The king, which was of little stat- 
ure, with his hands bound behind him, as he had been 
taken, was also figured, by way of remembrance, under 
the hoof of the horse.” 





ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 387 


Another legend begins: “In the times of the Consuls 
and Senators, the prefect Agrippa, with four legions of 
soldiers, subjugated to the Roman Senate the Sue- 
vians, Saxons, and other western nations. Upon whose 
return the bell of the image of the kingdom of the Per- 
sians, that was in the Capitol, rang. For in the temple 
of Jupiter and Moneta in the Capitol was an image of 
every kingdom of the world, with a bell about his neck, 
and as soon as the bell sounded, they knew that the 
country was rebellious. The priest therefore that was 
on watch in his week, hearing the sound of the bell, 
shewed the same to the Senators.” 

Again, the founding of Rome is recorded in the 
Graphia: “After the sons of Noah built the Tower of 
Confusion, Noah with his sons entered into a ship, as 
Hescodius writeth, and came unto Italy. And not far 
from the place where now is Rome, he founded a city 
of his own name; wherein he brought his travail and his 
life to an end. Then his son Janus, with Janus his son, 
Japhet his grandson, and Camese a man of the country, 
building a city, Janiculum, in the Palatine mountain, 
succeeded to the kingdom; and when Camese had gone 
the way of all flesh, the kingdom passed to Janus alone. 
The same, with the aforesaid Camese, did build him a 
palace in Transtiberim, that he called Janiculum, to wit, 
in that place where the church of Saint John at Janicu- 
lum now standeth. But he had the seat of his kingdom in 
the palace that he had builded in the mountain Pala- 
tine; wherein all the Emperors and Cesars of after 
times did gloriously dwell. . . . Now when the four 
hundred and thirty-third year was fulfilled after the de- 
struction of the town of Troy, Romulus was born of the 
blood of Priam, king of the Trojans. And in the twenty- 


388 ETERNAL ROME 


second year of his age, in the fifteenth day of the Cal- 
ends of May, he encompassed all the said cities with a 
wall, and called the same Rome after his own name. 
And in her Etrurians, Sabines, Albans, 'Tusculans, 
Politanes, Tellenes, Ficanians, Janiculans, Camerians, 
Capenates, Faliscans, Lucanians, Italians, and, as one 
may say, all the noble folk of the whole earth, with their 
wives and children, came together for to dwell.” 

So run these medieval efforts to edify the pilgrim in 
the city or the curious of distant lands regarding the 
ruins among which sat the Cesars of the Church. With 
the exception of here and there a reverend father in 
some secluded cloister which still possessed and valued 
the books of Latin times, this is the manner in which 
the Romans and the friends of Rome thought of the 
ancient city in which they dwelt or travelled. One may 
well believe Petrarch when he says that “Rome was 
known nowhere less than at Rome.” 

Not only was the city of the popes more ignorant 
than other cities of the darkest centuries, but more dead 
to the impulse of the new learning and art of the 
eleventh and twelfth centuries. Paris and Bologna had 
been great centers of study for more than a century 
when a Frenchman, Charles of Anjou, appointed sena- 
tor of the Romans, announced his purpose of founding 
a university at Rome, and it was not until 1303 that the 
famous Sapienza was actually created. By this time 
Padua had been celebrated for eighty-one years and 
Naples for seventy-nine, and Bologna had become the 
world’s center for the study of law. It was the English 
chroniclers of the twelfth century, and not the Roman, 
that wrote the history of Rome. And while in the cities 
of France and England the wonders of vault and tower 





ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 389 


and spire were being reared to heaven in the most im- 
pressive architecture of all time, the spiritual capital of 
Europe was miserably propping and patching its col- 
lapsing sanctuaries with marbles quarried from the ruins 
of classic Rome; while medizval sculpture was reaching 
the zenith in Paris and Chartres and Amiens and 
Rheims, and Pisa, Siena, and Pistoia were carving their 
beautiful pulpits, and Giotto in Assisi and Florence was 
bringing to life the painter’s art, Rome’s only distinc- 
tion in art was in marble work and mosaic. 

To bring properly into relief the essential traits of 
an age so long and so varied as the medieval centuries 
of Rome is impossible without the risk of falsifying. 
Not every year of the Dark Age found the city a prey 
to anarchy. In all but the times of actual warfare, there 
existed a manner of government. In the midst of the 
deepest ignorance education did not wholly die. From 
1198 to 1803, however small the contribution of Rome 
to intellectual progress, the greater number of the 
eighteen popes and their cardinals, at least in the law, 
were men of learning. The makeshift art of her poverty 
has a beauty and fascination of its own. The bearing of 
her best citizens no doubt partook to some degree of the 
general refinement of Italian manners which was often 
the subject of comment on the part of the rougher men 
from the north. 

And yet, even could it be supposed that the degrada- 
tion of Rome was no deeper than that of other cities of 
the time, it must seem the deeper against the luminous 
background of the Christian ideal; and before the minds 
of her own sons and of the pilgrim throngs that came 
to tread her streets, in the darkest times there hovered 
continually in addition the vision of a past the more 


390 ETERNAL ROME 


glorious because vague and indistinct. “The history of 
the city in the Middle Ages,” writes its historian, “was 
frequently nothing more than a continued funeral ora- 
tion over the splendor of the ancient city.” ‘The most 
degraded never forgot entirely that Rome had once 
ruled the world by the power of her arms, and their 
leaders in the Church never lost the consciousness that 
Cesar’s authority had perished only to give place to 
the authority of God. When at last the idea of the 
material empire built by pagan Rome had begun un- 
willingly to die, the conception of spiritual empire was 
not only already formed, but well on the way to realiza- 
tion. Men revered her not only as the historic seat of 
the greatest power and magnificence the world had 
even seen, but as the divinely appointed abiding-place 
of the successors to the Apostle into whose hands had 
been given the holy keys, as the Mother of the Church, 
the tomb of the martyrs, the goal of pilgrimage, the in- 
strument of God in the spiritualization of the world. 
Her destiny was more sublime than ever. 

Not only was the medieval city thus venerated for 
her past, but the prophecy of the future made her a 
living fountain of hope. The deepest night of the Dark 
Ages was not without its flashes of the old splendor, and 
again and again there seemed to be the promise of a 
new day. The ancient pagan idea of worldly dominion 
never wholly died out. With the rise of the Church and 
the creation of a papal state, it came to life again, sprang 
into prominence, and lived on for a thousand years, to 
be the source of wretchedness as well as honor to the 
strife-torn city. Fifty years after Romulus Augustulus, 
when in reality for over a hundred years Gothic armies 
had ruled Italy from their camps, Boethius could still 


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PLAN OF ROME IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY 


THIS SUGGESTS THE CHARACTER OF THE CITY BEFORE THE RENAISSANCE 


REPRODUCED FROM DE ROSSI’S PIANTE ICONOGRAFICHE E 
PROSPETTICHE DI ROMA ANTERIORI AL SECOLO XVI 








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dream of the restoration of the empire. Two hundred 
and fifty years later, when Pepin and Charlemagne con- 
jured up the ghost of the western empire, in the minds 
of men it was as if Rome had again become the mistress 
of the world. ‘Two hundred years after Charlemagne, 
when the city had faded to the shadow of its former self, 
the enthusiastic Otto the Third called himself Emperor 
of the Romans, and had his crown inscribed, ““Rome, 
Capital of the World, Queen of all the Globe,” and on 
the installation of his judiciary used the formula, 
“Judge Rome and the Leonine city and the whole world 
according to this book.” The book was the code of 
Justinian. The envoys of the Roman republic who came 
forth from their ruined and powerless city to meet the 
great Barbarossa addressed the emperor with all the 
dignity of the times when the senate was an assembly 
of kings: “We, ambassadors of the city, not insignificant 
men of Rome, are sent to thine Excellency by the senate 
and people. Benevolently hear what the illustrious mis- 
tress of the world, whose sovereign, with God’s help, 
thou soon shalt be, doth offer thee. Dost thou come in 
peace, I rejoice. Thou desirest the empire of the world, 
and I gladly rise to hasten forward with the crown... . 
May the splendor of ancient times, the freedom of the 
illustrious city, return. May Rome, under such an em- 
peror, again seize the reins of supremacy over a re- 
bellious world, and may her ruler with the name unite 
also the glory of Augustus.” In the rebellion of 1234, 
the citizens demanded of the pope that they should be 
exempt from excommunication and other ecclesiastical 
punishments, as their ancient ancestors had been exempt 
from scourging. A senator in the same century glorified 
the city as “the eyebrow of the world, the tribunal of 


392 ETERNAL ROME 


justice, the seat of holiness, the throne of glory.” John 
the 'wenty-second, as he sat in Avignon and thought of 
the deserted hills of the sacred city, cried out, “V elimus 
nolimus enim rerum caput Roma erit,—For, will we or 
no, Rome will be the capital of the world.” 

Such language and such pretensions as these would 
have been ridiculous uttered regarding any other spot 
in the world than Rome. A monk on the throne of Peter 
could seriously claim the sovereignty of the world, and 
almost attain it. The fantastic visions of a Cola di 
Rienzo were almost realized before his astonished op- 
ponents had ceased to be amused by his arrogance. ‘The 
son of a poor tavern-keeper, a dreamer devoid of com- 
mon sense, to say nothing of statesmanship, could revo- 
lutionize the government of the city, organize its armies, 
make war on the Latin cities, summon prince and pope 
to yield to the rightful mistress of the world, and not be 
universally laughed at. Rome is one of history’s great- 
est examples of the persistence of an idea. 

But if the idea of military and political sovereignty 
over the world was never again to be realized, the do- 
minion of Rome over the hearts of men continued and 
increased. In theory, Rome strove for temporal control 
over the world in order that she might exercise a control 
of the spirit; in actual fact, it was a spiritual and sen- 
timental dominion already exercised that made the 
world willing to pause and attend. However degraded 
by ignorance, ruin, and lawlessness, she still remained 
Eternal Rome, at frequent intervals the center of poli- 
tics, always the center of sentiment. Philip the Arab, in 
the midst of a century of convulsions, had celebrated in 
the Coliseum in 247 the thousandth anniversary of the 
city’s founding. Constantius, whose capital was on the 


ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 393 


Bosporus, and Honorius, who ruled from Ravenna and 
Milan, had chosen the ancient city as the scene of their 
triumphs. Alaric and his wild soldiery, like the Gauls 
eight centuries before them, had withheld their hands in 
awe for a moment before profaning the venerable seat 
of civilization. 'Theodoric had poured out money in her 
embellishment, Justinian had sought to regain control 
of her, Constans the Second in 663, arrived by the 
Appian Way, went straightway to lay his gifts with 
prayers on the altar of Peter. Belisarius, one hundred 
and seventeen years before, by an appeal to reason and 
sentiment, had stayed the hand of Totila, who had al- 
ready torn down part of the walls and now threatened 
to turn the entire city into a pasture for cattle. “Beyond 
all cities upon earth,” he writes the victor from Ostia, 
“Rome is the greatest and most wonderful. . . . She 
remains a monument of the virtues of the world to all 
posterity, and a trespass against her greatness would 
justly be regarded as an outrage against all time.” The 
Gothic king had celebrated the races in the olden 
fashion, and Narses after him reproduced the triumph 
of the Cesars’ times. 'The leaders and tyrants of civic 
Rome adopted such titles as “Prince and Senator of 
all the Romans,” “Tribune of Freedom, of Peace and 
Justice, and Illustrious Redeemer of the Holy Roman 
Republic,” “Candidate of the Holy Spirit,” “Deliverer 
of the City,” “Zealot for Italy,” “Friend of the World,” 
“Tribune of Augustus.” The rulers of vast realms be- 
yond Italy styled themselves “Emperors of the Ro- 
mans,’ and confessed their dependence upon the City 
of God on the Tiber banks. By her kings reigned, and 
princes decreed justice, and to her, for the healing of 
their souls, all nations flowed. 


394 ETERNAL ROME 


The city had always been the goal of travel; but by the 
seventh century the formal pilgrimage had begun to be 
an established custom. From every quarter of Kurope 
came penitents to gaze upon the relics of the saints, to 
offer prayers and gifts, to receive baptism and blessing 
from the vicar of Christ. Among them came the great of 
the earth. Cadwalla, king of the West Saxons, died in 
Rome on a pilgrimage in 689. A score of years later, 
Conrad of Mercia and Offa of Essex were there to take 
the cowl. Charlemagne, on his first visit in April, 774, 
ascended to Saint Peter’s on his knees, kissing each step 
as he went; and twenty-six years later the somber nave 
and aisles of the ancient basilica of the Apostle re- 
sounded with enthusiastic cries from the brilliant trains 
of monarch and pope as the great Frank was divinely 
invested with authority over the world by the successor 
of the Fisherman. In 1027, with wallet and staff, came 
Canute the Dane, to be horrified at the scenes he wit- 
nessed, but to go his way with heart none the less 
softened to repentance and swelling with reverence. In 
1050 came Macbeth of Scotland, free-handed with the 
poor of Rome. Into and out of the gates flowed an un- 
ceasing stream of pilgrims from nations far and near, 
swelled alike by the saintly who hungered and thirsted 
after righteousness and by the criminal compelled by 
conscience or confessor. 

The external features of the city whose thorough- 
fares the pilgrims actually trod, as well as the character 
of its inhabitants, were far from reproducing the Rome 
of their dreams. It was a motley city that met their 
eyes. Mounted barons in armor rode in from the 
Campagna with their bands of retainers bristling with 
halberd and lance. Visitors wandered among ruins or 


ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 395 


marched in solemn silence to the goal of their pil- 
grimage in half-ruined basilicas. There were swarms 
of squalid beggars with outstretched hands. A funeral 
conducted by a confraternity in masks progressed over 
pavement uneven and neglected. Grimy artisan and 
indolent tradesman looked on from the thresholds of 
miserable shops, and tattered vendors cried their wares. 
The sunny places in winter and the shady in summer 
were populous with chattering idlers. The streets were 
in movement with nuns and barefoot monks, with mag- 
nificent cardinals and their trains, with guides and 
traffickers in dubious relics, with painted courtesans and 
aimless idlers. The niche in the wall, with painted or 
sculptured image and burning lamp, and the bells of 
church and cloister, were the ceaseless reminder of the 
claims of another world. Rough outside stairways and 
forbidding archways led to dwellings and courts that 
were dark and unsanitary. The air was heavy with the 
odors of an ill-kept city. The people drank of the turbid 
Tiber or from wells at the foot of the hills. Their sewer- 
age, if they had it, was the poor service rendered by the 
decayed and choked-up remains of the ancient system. 
The princely themselves were none too cleanly, the 
populace unkempt and dirty. There was swindling, 
quarrelling, thievery, and riot. Layman and ecclesiastic 
alike looked on the stranger with the eye of greed. 

Yet not all this could rob the city of its charm, and it 
never ceased to cast its mystic spell. Men came and saw, 
and were shocked at the sights their eyes beheld; but in 
their day, as in better days that have followed, the mean 
reality was submerged in love for the holy capital. At 
the last prayerful salutation of the venerable city as 
they climbed the height of Monte Mario and looked the 


396 ETERNAL ROME 


final farewell, their hearts were no less filled with rever- 
ence than when suddenly from its brow they had first 
caught the vision of the holy place and fallen upon their 
knees in fulness of heart at the realization of their vows. 

In the century which saw the departure of the papacy 
and the culmination of Roman wretchedness, nothing 
was more remarkable than this hold which the city re- 
tained upon the love and the fears of men. She was more 
than ever the Queen and Mother of the world. The 
jubilee of 1800 drew an unparalleled concourse of 
pilgrims. The amount of money poured into the papal 
treasury was enormous. ‘Thirty thousand persons, said 
one chronicler, went into and out of the city every day, 
and two hundred thousand might have been counted 
within the walls at any time. 

“Of bread, wine, meat, fish, and oats,” says another, 
“there was plenty to be had in the market, and cheap. 
The hay was very dear, and the inns exceedingly ex- 
pensive. It cost me for my lodging and the stabling of 
my horse, over and above the hay and oats, a Tornese 
groat (a third of a franc). As I went out of Rome on 
Christmas Eve, I saw leaving the city a throng so great 
that no one could count the number, and the talk among 
the Romans was that there had been more than two 
millions of men and women. Several times I saw men 
as well as women trodden under foot, and more than 
once I escaped the same danger myself.” 

In 1834 came the Flagellants, as they had come in 
1260, and as they were to come once more in 1400, the 
sign of the spirit of repentance abroad in the world. 
Men, women, and children, monks, priests, and her- 
mits, the innocent and the guilty alike, caught up by the 
spirit of the time, set out by tens, and hundreds, and 


ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 397 


thousands, from all parts of Italy and from beyond 
the Alps, treading the rough ways with bare feet and 
scourging their unprotected shoulders, preaching re- 
pentance and crying, “Peace and Mercy,’—driven by 
common impulse to the one city whose sovereignty over 
the souls of men was undisputed, and to which they 
looked for salvation in spite of its sordidness and ruin, 
and in spite of its shameless inhabitants, who laughed 
in the face of the Dominican leader of the Penitents, | 
Fra Venturino, when he declared that only the dead 
were holy at Rome, the living godless. 

Incredible numbers were again in the city during the 
jubilee of 1350. Five thousand pilgrims daily entered 
and left the gates, and one reckless estimate placed the 
number during Lent at a million two hundred thousand. 
The highways of Italy were channels through which 
flowed streams of pilgrims, the vacant spaces of the city 
were their camping-places, the city itself a huge inn. 
Nine years before the jubilee, there had occurred the 
crowning of Petrarch on the Capitol, followed on the 
next day by the poet’s capture by brigands almost at 
the gates of the city. Three years before, in 1347, the 
momentary success of Cola di Rienzo’s fantastic ideas 
had cast its glamour over the city. In August of that 
year it was filled by envoys from abroad, its palaces 
and streets bright with banquets and processions, the 
populace in a frenzy of delight as the horse of Marcus 
Aurelius spouted wine and water from its nostrils. In 
November the old-time Roman valor had once more 
demonstrated itself in the great victory at the gate of 
San Lorenzo, where fell eighty nobles, the flower of the 
princely families of Rome, victims of the sentimental 
might of the Eternal City. Meanwhile the Romans in 


398 ETERNAL ROME 


deepest misery bewailed the absence of the papal court. 

It was indeed a motley city, a city of violent contrasts. 
It was a city of beauty and desolation, of ill-kept and 
odorous streets under skies of azure and gold, streets 
today empty and tomorrow filled with endless trains of 
chanting pilgrims, a city of deserted and grass-grown 
regions ghastly with crumbling ruins, through which 
moved gorgeous retinues of cardinal, prince, and pope. 
It was a city of self-contradiction, a city of weakness 
and of strength, of penitential processions and of bloody — 
riot, of devotion to the Church and of rebellion against 
its head, of saintly reputation and of satanic conduct, 
of spirituality in theory and of brutal worldliness in 
practice; of solemn crownings of emperors in gloomy 
and decaying churches by those who styled themselves 
Servants of the Servants of God. 


X. 
THE RENAISSANCE 


Urbe Roma in pristinam formam rinascente,— 


The city of Rome rising again into its ancient form. 


Lavrentius Mantivs, Inscription on his house, Via del Pianto (1468) 


Visebamus spe deserta urbis Antonius Luscus vir clarissimus egoque, 
admirantes animo tum ob veterum collapsorum edificiorum magnitudinem 
et vastas urbis antique ruinas, tum ob tanti imperii ingentem stragem 
stupendam profecto ac deplorandam fortune varietatem. . . . Ceteros 
urbis collis perlustra; omnia vacua edificiis ruinis vineis oppleta con- 
spicies,— 


We used often to visit the deserted places of the city, Antonius Luscus 
the senator and I, marvelling now at the magnitude of the fallen edifices 
of antiquity and the vast ruins of the ancient city, and now at the stu- 
pendous and deplorable change of fortune to be seen in the great downfall 
of so mighty an empire. . . . Cast the eye over the other hills of the city; 
you will see them all empty of buildings and filled with ruins and vine- 
yards. 

Poeeato Bracciorrn1, De Varietate Fortune 


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1. 
AUGUSTANS RETURNED 


HE papal absence was the darkest hour in the night 

of medieval Rome. ‘The attempt of Cola di Rienzo 
to revive the liberties of the Roman people and to unite 
Italy under the dominion of the ancient city was an 
empty dream of what was to prove possible only after 
five centuries more had rolled by, and the utterances of 
Petrarch were heavy with the despair of Rome’s time 
of deepest degradation. Yet with both came the first 
streaks that heralded the day of the rebirth. The fan- 
tastic tribune who dreamed among the fallen columns 
and scattered inscriptions of the ancient city and de- 
claimed in Latin on her lost glories, as well as the poet 
who received the crown of laurel on the Capitol, were 
chief contributors to the impulse that started into wake- 
fulness the arts of the ancient civilization. 

Little more than a score of years after the death of 
Cola di Rienzo, and but three years after Petrarch’s 
life had ended, the papacy returned to the long-deserted 
city. On January 17, 13877, preceded by dancing buf- 
foons and accompanied by two thousand men-at-arms, 
Gregory the Eleventh entered the city by the Ostian 
gate and made his way through its desolate southern 
portion, past the Aventine and Capitoline, through the 
Campus Martius, and across the Tiber to Saint Peter’s, 
treading on flowers strewn in the streets by the rejoicing 
Romans. 

The seemingly interminable widowhood of three score 
years and ten was at an end. In their enthusiasm at the 


402 ETERNAL ROME 


return of the fountain of what little prosperity and 
well-being had been theirs in the dark centuries preced- 
ing, the citizens momentarily forgot the repeated fail- 
ures which had attended their efforts to found an inde- 
pendent commonwealth, and looked to the future with 
new confidence. 

The return of the papacy, however, brought in its 
train no immediate cessation of the woes from which 
the city had suffered. Strife and bloodshed continued 
without abatement. With the death of Gregory and 
the armed conflict between rival claimants of the tiara, 
Urban the Sixth and Robert of Geneva, the anti-pope 
Clement the Seventh, came the beginning of the Great 
Schism. For forty years both Avignon and Rome were 
the seats of papal courts whose quarrels were reflected 
in the Church and empire at large and in the ancient 
capital. 

Nor were the contests which sprang from the rivalry 
of pope and anti-pope the only sources of disorder in 
Rome. The ancient quarrels of the city still raged. Pope 
and people still struggled for control. Popes were ex- 
pelled, and foreign armies intervened. The broils of the 
Colonna, who under their relative Martin the Fifth be- 
came masters of the greater part of Latium, with the 
Orsini, who were powerful in Tuscany and the Sabines, 
were as fierce as ever. The terrors of brigandage in the 
Campagna were unabated. A population whose pas- 
sions were without restraint and whose conscience knew 
no scruple continued in the barbarous satisfaction of 
private enmities. 

The city was really in a state of intermittent anarchy. 
The streets were as unsafe as ever, and the citizens as 
incapable as ever of maintaining the dignity of which 


AUGUSTANS RETURNED 403 


they knew their city to be worthy. Twice in 1417, the 
year of Martin the Fifth’s accession and the end of the 
schism, was the Rome which had been for a thousand 
years the spiritual head of the world, and which had in 
her time been the mistress of civilized mankind, entered 
and ruled by mere condottiert. Ignorance continued to 
prevail no less than disorder. The University had fallen 
into decay, not to be permanently restored until 1431. 
The destruction of the ancient monuments went on. It 
was almost as if Petrarch and Cola di Rienzo had not 
lived, and the day had not already broken elsewhere. 

Not even with the reign of Martin the Fifth did the 
city permanently afford the atmosphere of safety and 
stability necessary for the encouragement of the new 
learning and art. Firm and vigorous though “The Hap- 
piness of his Times,” as his tomb in the Lateran de- 
scribes him, proved himself, after his death and the 
accession of Kugenius the Fourth the city and Cam- 
pagna again became the prey to papal and feudal 
quarrels. “Owing to the absence of the pope,” says 
Vespasiano in his Life of Hugenius, who had been the 
victim of an uprising, “the city had become like a vil- 
lage of cowherds; sheep and cattle wandered through 
the streets, to the very spot now occupied by the mer- 
chants’ stalls.” 

The Campagna and other lands of the Church suf- 
fered especially. “Seldom has the rule of any other 
pope,” says the humanist Poggio Bracciolini, “produced 
equal devastation in the provinces of the Roman Church. 
The country scourged by war, the depopulated and 
ruined towns, the devastated fields, the roads infested 
by robbers, more than fifty places partly destroyed, 
partly sacked by soldiery, have suffered from every 


404 ETERNAL ROME 


species of revenge. After the destruction of their cities, 
many citizens have been sold as slaves; many have died 
in prison.” 

Martin and Eugenius had nevertheless been favorably 
disposed toward learning and the arts. Not even the 
turbulence of Eugenius’ times wholly checked the 
rapidly increasing momentum of the intellectual move- 
ment. The famous Bessarion was cardinal under him; 
Poggio and Biondo were among his secretaries; the 
University was rehabilitated, and became a center to 
which even foreigners resorted. 

But neither Martin nor Eugenius was a scholar. It 
was in the person of Nicholas the Fifth, imbued with the 
spirit of Florence, the great intellectual and esthetic 
center of the time, that the first humanist sat on the 
papal throne. It was now that the jocund day of the 
Renaissance stood tiptoe on the misty mountain-top, 
and flooded with brightness and warmth the heap of 
ruins and wretched hovels which constituted Rome at 
the end of the Dark Age. The seed which had long been 
in the soil and had recently put forth the first shoots 
now started into vigorous life. A new spirit sprang into 
being, in Rome as elsewhere in Italy, as mysterious in 
its rise as it was powerful in its influence. The authority 
of medizvalism went out, and the individualism of mod- 
ern times came in. A new culture and new ideas arose 
and possessed themselves of Italian society. ‘The gloom 
of ignorance was dispelled by the brilliance of a revived 
paganism. The love of learning, beauty, and elegance 
became as great in reality as the contempt for the world 
and the flesh had been in theory. A great impulse to 
worldliness possessed itself of the Church at Rome, and 
the papacy entered upon the secular career which was 


AUGUSTANS RETURNED 405 


to culminate in a martial Julius the Second and a diplo- 
matic and splendor-loving Leo the Tenth. 

Rome found herself for the third time and in a third 
capacity the capital of the world. She had been its politi- 
cal and military capital under the Empire, its spiritual 
capital during the Dark Age. She now became its 
esthetic and intellectual capital. Barren though she her- 
self was of talent of any kind, she was the inspiration 
and means by which it rose, and her popes afforded the 
center about which it gathered. Florence indeed was 
the great fountain of genius for the age, and many of 
the less famed cities of Italy received the light earlier; 
but from the accession of Nicholas the Fifth in 1447 to 
the sack of 1527 the papal court was the magnet which 
drew and encouraged the talent of the world, and Rome 
was the Alma Mater from whom it drank in vigor. 

Few were the years when a Mecenas or an Augustus 
did not sit upon the throne. 'Those popes who were least 
in sympathy with art and learning were nevertheless 
caught up by the spirit of the times and inspired by a 
love of beauty and splendor which caused them to foster 
the work of genius for the sake of display if not for its 
own sake; while the activities of those whose love of 
culture was genuine and whose patriotism embraced 
even the great past knew no bounds save the limits im- 
posed by mortality and the exhaustion of means. 

The ruling passion of Nicholas the Fifth, 1447-1455, 
to whom “what was unknown lay outside the sphere of 
human knowledge,” was the collection of books and the 
founding of a great Vatican library. Calixtus the Third 
of Valencia, the first Borgia, 1455-1458, though less a 
humanist, was the first jurist of his age. Pius the Sec- 
ond, Aineas Sylvius Piccolomini, 1458-1464, was de- 


4.06 ETERNAL ROME 


voted to the muses of poetry and history, and left as a 
- witness his Commentarii. Paul the Second, Pietro Barbo 
of Venice, 1464-1471, founded a museum of antiquities, 
of which he was a learned and enthusiastic lover. Sixtus 
the Fourth, Francesco Rovere, 1471-1484, the great 
builder, was a willing victim to the same passion. Inno- 
cent the Eighth, Cibo, 1484-1492, built the Belvedere. 
Alexander the Sixth, Rodrigo Borgia, 1492-1508, 
brought to Rome Pinturicchio, Perugino, and Michel- 
angelo. Julius the Second, nephew of Sixtus the Fourth, 
1508-1518, founded the Vatican museum, and employed 
both the great sculptor and Raphael. The tenth Leo, 
Giovanni Medici of Florence, 1518-1521, was the great- 
est of all papal patrons of the revived culture. With few 
exceptions, the popes of the entire period invited to 
Rome and supported every form of talent which could 
give pleasure to the court or confer glory on the city 
and the Church. 

There was hardly a humanist of reputation who was 
not at some time in the service of the popes and resident 
at Rome. Poggio Bracciolini of Arezzo, the great dis- 
coverer of ancient manuscripts, was fifty years in the 
employ of eight of them; Filelfo of Tolentino was the 
secretary of Nicholas; Valla, in spite of his exposure of 
the false donation of Constantine, was a friend of the 
same pope; EKugenius the Fourth was the patron of 
Cyriac of Ancona. The revival of Greek was actively 
encouraged; Chrysoloras, George of Trebizond, Bessa- 
rion, and the circle of learned Greek scholars whom he 
befriended, all owed their privileges at Rome to the 
papal court. Flavio Biondo, author of Roma Instaurata, 
Roma Triwmphans, and Italia Illustrata, lived on the 
Via Flaminia near Montecitorio, was secretary to 


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AUGUSTANS RETURNED 407 


Eugenius the Fourth, and enjoyed the patronage of 
Nicholas the Fifth, Calixtus the Third, and Pius the 
Second. Andrea Fulvio, his emulator, composed his 
Antichita di Roma at the suggestion of Leo the Tenth. 
Paul the Second patronized the German printers Pan- 
nartz and Schweinheim, who first brought the art to 
Rome. Pomponius Letus, pupil of Valla, Professor of 
Eloquence in the University and head of the Roman 
Academy, lived on the Quirinal. Platina was custodian 
of the Vatican library and historian of the popes. Sigis- 
mondo dei Conti and Paolo Giovio, historians of the 
times, were protégés of Julius the Second and Leo the 
Tenth. 

No less brilliant was the galaxy of poets. The age was 
as fertile in poetry as in rhetoric, the humanistic art par 
excellence. Vegio, who added a thirteenth book to the 
Atneid; Valla, translator of Hesiod and Homer; San- 
nazzaro, author of Eclogues and De Partu Virginis; 
Vida, who wrote a Christiad modelled on Virgil; Fra- 
castoro, noted for his poem, Syphilis; with scores of 
others whose works, famous in their own day, have 
found places on dusty shelves whence they never de- 
scend save at the bidding of the delver, all enjoyed high 
favor at the ecclesiastical court. The Italian poets were 
encouraged equally with the neo-Latin. Vittoria Co- 
Jonna, Berni, Ariosto, and Trissino were among their 
leaders; while the Vatican swarmed with a thousand 
sonneteers and rhymesters. It was the age of all ages 
when a Horace might have uttered the famous Scribi- 
mus indocti doctique poemata passim—*“All of us, 
clever and stupid alike, are writing poetry helter- 
skelter.” 

If, however, the literature of the period was destined 


408 ETERNAL ROME 


in great part to fail of immortality, it was not so with 
the other arts. Hardly a painter of note, from Fra 
Angelico to Raphael, is missing from the list of those 
who left masterpieces on the walls of Roman palace 
and church. Masaccio under Martin the Fifth exe- 
cuted frescoes in San Clemente, and Gentile da Fa- 
briano in the Lateran. Giovanni da Fiesole, the famous 
friar, was already at work under Eugenius. Benozzo 


Gozzoli and Piero della Francesca and Bramantino © 


came to Rome under Nicholas. The Sistine chapel and 
other chambers of the Vatican illustrate the painters’ 
art from the time of Sixtus the Fourth to the end of 
the Renaissance. Melozzo, Cosimo Roselli, Botticelli, 
Ghirlandaio, Mantegna, Lippi, Perugino, Pinturicchio, 
Signorelli, Michelangelo, and Raphael, besides nu- 
merous pupils and imitators, all pass in review before 
the visitor to the seat of the popes. 

Of sculpture the same was true. There was hardly a 
sculptor of note from EKugenius to the noonday of the 
Renaissance under Leo the Tenth whose work is not 
illustrated in Rome. Chief among them were Donatello, 
Mino, the -Pollaituoli, Verrocchio, Rossellino, and 
Michelangelo. 

The architects of the day above all were in demand. 
Martin and Eugenius themselves displayed no slight 
activity in restoring and building; but Nicholas, with 
more enthusiasm for the task than realization of its 
magnitude, cherished the design of a mighty restora- 
tion that should change the whole city. The great wall 
was repaired, the Capitol refortified, the Mulvian and 
Nomentan bridges equipped with military defences; 
the forty station churches were restored, the palace of 
the Conservatori rebuilt. The people were to be en- 





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AUGUSTANS RETURNED 409 


couraged to occupy the deserted quarters. The Leonine 
city, first walled by Leo the Fourth, 845-857, after the 
Saracen invasion, was to be reconstructed, and its im- 
pregnable new walls were to surround a great papal 
city containing a magnificent new Vatican palace and a 
gigantic new cathedral of Saint Peter. The whole was 
to be an eighth wonder of the world. The talents of 
Rossellino and Leon Battista Alberti were employed, 
and the pope urged on the execution of his plans with 
feverish haste. All Rome was aglow with the work, and 
the failure to press the great scheme to its realization 
was due only to its author’s death. 

Calixtus was less active, Pius built for the most part 
in Siena and Pienza, and Paul reared the Palazzo San 
Marco, later called Venezia. The greatest builder of 
all was Sixtus the Fourth. It was under him that mod- 
ern Rome first began to take form. The hospital of 
Santo Spirito was rebuilt by him, Santa Maria Mag- 
giore restored, the Ponte Sisto and the Sistine chapel 
built. The churches of Santa Maria del Popolo, Santa 
Maria della Pace, and Sant’ Agostino owe their present 
form to him and his cardinals, as well as San Pietro in 
Vincoli and the Santi Apostoli. Many palaces also were 
erected, and such was the activity of Sixtus in the laying 
out of new streets and the improvement of old ones that 
he was said to have “found Rome mud and left it tile.” 

The successors of this pope carried the work forward 
in worthy manner. Innocent the Eighth built the Villa 
Belvedere in the gardens of the Vatican. Under Alexan- 
der the Sixth the church of Trinita dei Monti was 
founded, Sant’ Angelo was converted into a fortress 
with walls and battlements, the street called Borgo 
Nuovo laid out, the Vatican building enterprises of 


410 ETERNAL ROME 


Nicholas magnificently completed, and the Cancelleria 
reared. From the time of Alexander to the sack of 
1527, the names of Bramante, Peruzzi, Raphael, San- 
gallo, and Michelangelo figure prominently in the archi- 
tectural history of the city—Bramante in connection 
with Saint Peter’s, founded April 18, 1506, but not to 
be dedicated until November 18, 1626; Peruzzi in con- 
nection with the famous Farnesina; Raphael for his 
plan of the city and his employment on Saint Peter’s 
and the Vatican; Sangallo and Michelangelo for their 
work on the Palazzo Farnese. All these were the 
greater activities only. 

Never had Rome assembled within her walls in the 
period of a hundred years so many men of culture and 
genius. Never had she shone with so great a luster. Not 
only the arts of sculpture and painting, of rhetoric and 
literature, entered upon a career unequalled for en- 
thusiasm and brilliance, but the city was splendid with 
luxurious appointments, elegant manners, gorgeous 
festivals, elaborate ceremonials, and material display of 
every kind. In brilliance if not in depth and breadth, in 
alertness of mind if not in political stability, in achieve- 
ment of individuals if not in the sway of masses of man- | 
kind, in the creation of modern art if not in the rivalling 
of ancient art, the age went far toward justifying its 
enthusiasts In comparing it with the age of Augustus 
himself. | 

In all the glowing activity of the time, no motive was 
more prominent or more fruitful of results than the 
imitation of antiquity. The period deserved its name; it 
was first of all a rebirth. The ancient culture revived 
and renewed was the great foundation on which rested 
all its achievement. For the cities of Italy it was as if 


AUGUSTANS RETURNED AL 


the long period of the Dark Age, with its ignorance and 
gloom, had been only a dream, and classical culture had 
again awakened to its own. 'The ancient Roman lan- 
guage was the language of the rebirth, and the ancient 
love of rhetoric, which never fails the Latin races, the 
chief motive which prompted its use. Ancient architec- 
ture afforded inspiration for the edifices which began to 
be reared from the remains of ancient material. The 
ancient love of form underlay not only the literary art, 
but the arts of painting and sculpture. The figures of 
Michelangelo, whether chiselled or painted, were only 
nude classical sculpture in a new guise, and beauty of 
person is much more apparent in the creations of Ra- 
phael than saintliness. If exquisite religious sentiment 
breathes a benediction from the canvas of Renaissance 
painting, that its source in a great number of instances 
lay rather in the powerful artistic imagination of the 
painter than in real religious emotion must be the con- 
clusion of every person familiar with the spirit of that 
most easy-minded and irresponsible century in the his- 
tory of Christian Rome. 

It was, to be sure, natural enough that the art which 
arose from the ruins of the ancient civilization should 
partake of its character. The extent to which Renais- 
sance culture did partake of the ancient culture, how- 
ever, was in excess of what was merely natural. Imita- 
tion of antiquity became conscious to exaggeration. The 
quickened knowledge of his glorious past stirred the — 
vanity as well as the pride of the Renaissance Roman. 
He revived the literary tongue and the manners of his 
predecessor of over a thousand years before, seriously 
looked on him as his direct ancestor, and was finally so 
carried away by the result of the effort as to fancy that 


412 ETERNAL ROME 


he rivalled him. The poet of the time of Leo the Tenth 
who compares the bards of his own day with those of 
the age of Virgil and Horace, and is really perplexed 
as to which are more deserving of the laurel, reflects the 
thought of many men of his time. 

In his enthusiasm for antiquity lies the most notable 
trait of the Roman of the Renaissance. The imitation 
of it was extended to every possible detail, and amounted 
to little less than a cult. Cola di Rienzo, Tribune of the 
People, saw in himself the restorer of the ancient re- 
public. Petrarch, crowned on the Capitol, was reviving 
an ancient ceremony of the time of Domitian. A Nicho- 
las, a Pius, a Julius, or a Leo, saw in himself an Au- 
gustus or a Mecenas. The swarms of speechmakers, 
scholars, poets, and historians, great and small, who 
buzzed about the Vatican, masquerading under Latin 
names, imagined themselves Livys, Virgils, Quintilians, 
Varros, and Ciceros. Petty plotters against authority 
saw tyrants on every throne and felt the blood of Brutus 
surging in their veins. Triumphal processions were 
modelled on the great parades of the ancient emperors. 
Splendid ceremonials were performed in the spirit of 
the ancient pagan church. Pomponius Letus, wholly 
absorbed in the contemplation of antiquity, a belated 
pagan, organized the Roman Academy at his home on 
the Quirinal, where its members, adopting ancient 
names,—Callimachus Experiens, Glaucus, Petreius, 
Asclepiades, and the like,—gathered to hold discus- 
sions, read papers, present Latin comedy, and in other 
ways to glorify the past. The anniversary celebration 
of the founding of Rome, the festival of the ancient 
Palilia revived, was observed by them on April 20, 1488, 


AUGUSTANS RETURNED 413 


for the first time in over a thousand years, and is still 
an event of each recurring April 21. 

The collection of antiquities became a passion. Arti- 
ficial ruins were the vogue, and indispensable to every 
garden. Not only the language of the ancient Romans 
was regarded as the most dignified vehicle of expression, 
but the nomenclature of Greek and Latin antiquity was 
adopted in the most affected manner. Men christened 
their children by such names as Agamemnon, Minerva, 
and Apelles with a facility as great as that of late nine- 
teenth century parents choosing names from the most re- 
cent popular novel. The pope was Pontifex Maximus, 
the saints were Divi, nuns became Virgines Vestales, 
Heaven was Olympus, and its ruler once more Jupiter 
or Zeus. The senators again became Patres Conscripti, 
the Carnival the Lupercalia. Even courtesans took to 
themselves the beautiful and honored names of an- 
tiquity, and Rome afforded the novel spectacle of 
profligate women masquerading under the names of 
Cassandra, Penthesilea, Portia, Virginia, and even Lu- 
cretia. 

Not content with such superficial ties, the society of 
the time looked seriously upon itself as really Roman. 
Individuals prided themselves on direct descent from 
the ancient Roman families, doing violence to every 
probability of history and etymology in the effort to 
prove a connection. The Massimi with at least a show of 
reason looked on their house as descended from Fabius 
Maximus Cunctator of Hannibalic fame; but Paul the 
Second, a Barbo of Venice, perhaps of barbarian an- 
cestry, regarded himself as the son of the ancient 
Ahenobarbi. 

Cities, as well as individuals, felt it a great distinc- 


414 ETERNAL ROME 


tion if Roman origin could be proved. To partake of 
the character of ancient Rome and her civilization in 
every aspect became the fashion. Pagan philosophy 
and religion made dangerous inroads on the fidelity of 
churchmen high in authority. Men could openly deny 
the existence of a Paradise and cast doubt on the doc- 
trine of the immortality of the soul. Leo the Tenth him- 
self was said to have been so under the charm of Greek 
philosophy as almost to adopt it. Skepticism was a 
characteristic of the age, and if it did not get the dark 
house and the whip as it did later, the reason why it was 
not so punished and cured was that the lunacy was so 
ordinary that the whippers were skeptical too. 

The natural consequence of all this enthusiasm was 
that the times were full of the unreal and the super- 
ficial, and guilty of errors in taste and judgment. In 
their blind admiration for everything ancient, scholars 
and men of letters were almost without discrimination, 
and valued alike every monument or literary remnant 
of ancient times. No less infatuated with their own 
facile powers, they fancied themselves rivals of Virgil 
and Cicero and Horace. The Sabine Farms and other 
rewards of the learned brow were showered on the 
clever declaimer, the skilful improvisator, and the deft 
imitator of the ancient masterpieces as well as on the 
contributor to the genuine in poetry and knowledge. 
Learned and unlearned were writing, making speeches, 
acting parts, everywhere, all the time. The language in 
which they clothed their scant thought was often such as 
the ancients themselves would have laughed at, and 
the whole tremendous output scarcely outlived its au- 
thors. 

Yet the age deserves none the less the praises of its 


AUGUSTANS RETURNED 415 


most enthusiastic eulogizers. It was the age in which 
the Italians rediscovered learning, the world about them, 
and, greatest of all, themselves and humanity. If the 
achievements of the time in Latin literature, in which 
its representatives probably thought its greatest claim 
to immortality lay, were in reality its least permanent 
contribution to culture, it was different with native 
Italian literature, with sculpture, with architecture, and, 
above all, with painting. “The Italian was the first-born 
among the sons of modern Europe.” The impulse given 
by Italy to the appreciation and love of the beautiful 
and all that concerned the intellectual life and human 
personality was such that it has not yet lost its mo- 
mentum. Forth from her inspired cities in valley and 
plain and from her little towns aloft on crag and hill 
came the life and vigor of modern culture, and to her 
the generations of today may trace whatever in their 
life is due to the awakening of the love for the gracious 
and the beautiful; for we are still only in the afterglow 
of that ncomparably brilliant day. 


Pa 


GOD AND MAMMON 


RILLIANT as was the Renaissance, and great as 

was its ultimate service to both the intellectual and 
the moral advance of the world, it was the rebirth not of 
morals and religion, but only of intellect and art. No 
sun rose upon the Dark Age of morals at Rome. No 
century in the history of culture, certainly not in the 
history of Italy, has left behind it a more shameful 
record morally than the Renaissance in the Eternal 
City. If Rome herself was no worse than other cities 
of the time, the fact of her being the religious capital 
of the world made her at least seem so, and warrants 
the severity of the judgment which history has passed 
upon her. 

Just as the papal court affords an index of the in- 
tellectual and art activities of the Renaissance, its life 
presents also evidence quite as eloquent of the morals 
of the age. It was during the Renaissance that the secu- 
larization of the papacy became for the moment prac- 
tically complete. The development of the ecclesiastical 
state through diplomacy and war, the encouragement 
of building and the fine arts for the aggrandizement of 
the Church and the pleasures of the court, were the ac- 
tivities to which the wearer of the tiara now looked, 
rather than the duties of the chief priest of Christendom. 
The pope was a monarch, distinguished from the many 
monarchs of petty Italian states of the time only by 
his dignity as head of the Church Universal, and pro- 


GOD AND MAMMON 417 


tected only by that dignity from the fate which most of 
them sooner or later met. 

Not that worldliness then for the first time possessed 
the leadership of the Church. The Dark Ages, and even 
the later Roman empire, had seen popes and bishops 
with secular aspirations. The greatest popes of the 
Dark Ages, however, had been at the same time the 
greatest priests. The greatest popes of the Renaissance, 
on the contrary, were the greatest monarchs who sat on 
the papal throne. There is a great difference between a 
Gregory the Seventh and a Julius the Second. At the 
turn of the sixteenth century for the first time occurred 
an extended period in which the priestly function of the 
head of Christendom became secondary, and almost 
disappeared. 

It is still possible to see in Nicholas the Fifth, scholar, 
builder, and enthusiast, and in Pius the Second, zsthete, 
diplomat, and would-be crusader, a semblance of the 
priest. It is a matter of much greater difficulty in the 
case of the vain Paul the Second, the ambitious Sixtus 
the Fourth, and the sordid Innocent the Eighth. When 
the imagination is called on to regard as the keeper of 
the holy office a cunning and pitiless Alexander the 
Sixth, a military Julius the Second, or a voluptuous Leo 
the Tenth, it shrinks. Julius, the Pontiff Terrible, in- 
vading rebellious provinces at the head of armies, active 
even in the trenches, bestirring himself in the formation 
of great military leagues, is to be classed, not with 
priests, but with statesmen and soldiers; and Leo, 
patron of the arts, in the midst of a brilliant court re- 
sounding with music and laughter, saying to his brother, 
Julian Medici, “Let us enjoy the papacy, for God hath 
given it to us,” is surely in the category of merry 


418 ETERNAL ROME 


monarchs. Even the one distinction between the papacy 
and ordinary monarchies, which lay in the lack of heredi- 
tary succession, bade fair to be removed by the abuses 
of nepotism. The famous jest of Erasmus, who was 
astonished at what he saw in Italy and Rome in the early 
sixteenth century, could not have fallen on an age when 
the priesthood was more deserving of it: Vocantur 
patres,—et sepe sunt. 

Had the secularization of the papacy and priesthood 
been all, the times would deserve less condemnation; 
but many vices were added to it. For popes to scheme 
for the advancement of nephews, even when the term 
covertly meant sons, was mild in comparison with other 
abuses. The holy office was openly and unblushingly 
bought by the candidate, who afterward, with equal 
frankness and shamelessness, sold to the most profitable 
customer the dignities in his hand. “There is now no 
difference between the papacy and the sultanship,” said 
the Venetian ambassador at Rome after the election of 
Julius the Second; “the dignity falls to the highest 
bidder.”” Nor was the evil recent. Fifty years before, 
fiineas Sylvius, not yet elevated to the throne, had de- 
clared: “There is nothing to be obtained from the Ro- 
man Curia without money. For even ordination and 
the gifts of the Holy Ghost are sold.” 

Not only offices were bought, but freedom from all 
ecclesiastical interference. The traffic in indulgences was 
enormous, and carried on the world over. Even false 
bulls were issued by impostors in the court. “Forgive- 
ness of sins can be obtained only by purchase,” said 
AKineas Sylvius, and after his election declared that God 
had appointed him pope to rescue the Church from her 
affliction. 'The vice-chamberlain of Innocent the Eighth 


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GOD AND MAMMON 419 


could humorously declare, “God wills not the death of 
a sinner, but that he should live and pay.” The circum- 
stances attending the death of the unsuccessful Flemish 
pope, Hadrian the Sixth, 1522-1523, student, ascetic, 
priest, and reformer, illustrate the spirit and manners 
left as a legacy to the papal court and the Roman peo- 
ple by the six papal administrations of the Church’s 
most secular period. Brutal cardinals surrounded his 
bed demanding to be told where his money was; the 
youth of the city inscribed the door of his physician with 
the words, “To the Liberator of the Country, the Sen- 
ate and the People of Rome”; and the scholar Valeri- 
ano, favorite of Leo the Tenth, afterward wrote, “Had 
this bitter enemy of the muses of eloquence and the 
beautiful lived longer, the times of Gothic barbarism 
must have been revived.” 

The immorality of greed, however, was not all. Sen- 
suality, open and undisguised, invaded the life of the 
court. Cardinals and courtesans banqueted together. 
Popes were as ambitious for their children as other 
potentates, and almost as careless of appearances. The 
disease that followed the French expedition into Italy 
in 1494 was not confined to soldiers and civilians. 
Crimes of actual bloodshed and poisoning were frequent 
among the high officials of the Church and their fol- 
lowers, and were not unsuspected in the popes them- 
selves. Sixtus the Fourth may have been innocent of 
contemplating the death of the Medici in the Pazzi con- 
spiracy, but his wrathful excommunication of the Flor- 
entines for their punishment of the murderers did not 
indicate the deepest horror at the deed. Of Alexander ° 
the Sixth, Panvinio declared, “He would have put all 
the other rich cardinals out of the way, to get their 


4.20 ETERNAL ROME 


property, had he not, in the midst of his great plans for 
his son (Cesar Borgia), been struck down by death.” 
In him and his sons were summed up the passions and 
abuses of a passionate and corrupt age. 

The papacy was a scandal to all the world. Visitors 
to Rome from the northern countries, and even from 
the cities of Italy, were inexpressibly shocked to find 
the actual life of the Church at the capital worse than 
rumor had pictured it. It was not only a scandal to the 
world, but a source of corruption. All Christendom was 
tainted by the evils of simony and the sale of indul- 
gences, if not by the viler examples of immorality, and 
if the effect of example could extend beyond the borders 
of Italy, its working in the peninsula and in the city of 
the popes may be imagined. Cruelty and corruption 
found sanction in the conduct of the highest spiritual 
authority in the world, and was restrained by little 
except the financial sense of ecclesiastical monitors who 
saw a connection between the Church’s reputation and 
the contributions of her admirers. 'The blackness of Ro- 
man immorality was made blacker than that of other 
cities of Italy by the shining background of the ideal. © 
¢ Especially in the last part of the fifteenth century 
and the beginning of the sixteenth did the society of 
Rome present a fearful spectacle of license and crime. 
The white light of intellectual intensity was accom- 
panied by the white heat of passion. The brilliant age 
of the revived learning was also an age of terrible ven- 
detta, when men washed their faces in the blood of 

murdered enemies, when spirits 


Ranging for revenge, 
With Ate by their side, come hot from hell, 


GOD AND MAMMON 421 


filled the streets of the city and the ways of the Cam- 
pagna with carrion men groaning for burial. 

It was an age notorious no less for deliberate murder 
done for selfish ends,—an age of slow poisons, bravi, 
secret daggers, and assassinations in church. “Every 
night,” said the Venetian ambassador in 1500, dur- 
ing the last part of the Borgia’s reign, “four or five 
murdered men are discovered,—bishops, prelates, and 
others,—so that all Rome is trembling for fear of being 
destroyed by the duke (Cesar Borgia).” The charcoal- 
seller who had seen the duke of Gandia’s body thrown 
into the Tiber at the Ripetta excused himself for not 
having reported the fact by saying that in his time he 
had seen probably a hundred corpses thrown into the 
river by night and no one had ever troubled about them. 

Egidius of Viterbo leaves the following picture of 
the city as he knew it under Alexander the Sixth: 
“Everything was hidden in darkness and stormy night; 
of the things that were done in the family and the Thy- 
estean tragedies, I will keep silence; never were more 
terrible revolts in the cities of the ecclesiastical state, 
more sacks and more bloody deaths. Never were rob- 
beries committed with such immunity in the streets; 
never was Rome so full of criminals; never was the 
multitude of robbers and informers so audacious. Peo- 
ple could neither leave the gates of the city nor dwell 
within it. To own money or valuable property was 
equivalent to being guilty of high treason. There was no 
protection either in house, sleeping-room, or tower. 
Justice was effaced. Money, power, and lust governed 
everything. Hitherto, since Italy had emancipated her- 
self from foreign tyranny, she had remained exempt 
from the rule of the stranger, for, although King Al- 


422 ETERNAL ROME 


fonso was an Aragonese, in neither culture, liberality, 
nor magnanimity was he inferior to any Italian. Now, 
however, slavery followed freedom, now the Italians 
sank from independence into darkest servitude to the 
foreigner.” 

Nor is it only the reign of Alexander, culmination 
though it was of all the disorders which characterized 
the age, which affords such pictures. The intensity of 
passion which was the special mark of the time is to be 
seen as well before him in the reigns of Innocent and 
Sixtus, nor did it die out under the firmer hand of 
Julius. No one unacquainted with the ways of Rome 
would have dreamed that the fortified palaces, loop- 
holed and artilleried, which met his eye in the thorough- 
fares of the city, were the homes of cardinals, or that 
the warlike chief with retinue armed to the teeth, guard- 
edly advancing in the middle of the street, was the 
spiritual father of the human kind. 

Social immorality was no less widely diffused than 
crime and disorder. From the licentious tales of Boc- 
caccio, from the indecent Facetie of Poggio, from the 
Hermaphroditus of Beccadelli, a collection of obscene 
epigrams that won its author the laurel at Siena and a 
place in the literary court of Alfonso of Naples, the 
spirit of the earlier Renaissance may be judged. Its 
later phase may be suspected from the estimate that 
under Innocent the Eighth there were said to be five 
thousand public prostitutes in the city. Perhaps there 
were not so many as six thousand in 1490, as Infessura 
records, about one for every ten of the population, not 
including those kept in the homes of their patrons; but 
the accuracy of the number is not important. In 1494 
the corruption was deepened by the army of Charles 


GOD AND MAMMON 423 


the Eighth of France, in the wake of which came what 
is called the malattia francese by Italians and by the 
French the mal napolitain, spreading over all Italy, 
and numbering among its victims at Rome Cesar Bor- 
gia and Pope Julius. 

Nor, even if crimes of disorder and bloodshed under- 
went some diminution after the Borgia, was the same 
true of social immorality. It went on unchecked to the 
gay noonday of the Renaissance under Leo the Tenth. 
Noble women could not properly mingle in the society 
of the papal court at any period as they did in other 
Italian courts; but in the later Renaissance the fear 
they felt of compromising the dignity of the Church 
was a less restraining influence than regard for their 
own reputations. It may not have been without reason 
that Vittoria Colonna while at Rome resided most of 
the time in a convent. The place of ladies at court and 
in the society of the city at large was in no small part 
usurped by accomplished courtesans, whom the an- 
tiquity-loving age dignified with the ancient Greek name 
of hetaira. 'The most attractive of them lived lives of 
elegance and luxury in homes of their own or their ad- 
mirers in Ponte, near the bridge of Sant’ Angelo, while 
the common sort were massed together in Ripa, the 
southernmost rione. It was in the exquisite home of 
the accomplished and dazzling Imperia, of the time of 
Julius the Second, that “the noble Spanish ambassador 
one day spat in the face of a servant, because he could 
find no other place suitable for the purpose.” Beccadelli 
had propounded the theory that courtesans were more 
useful members of society than nuns; the age of Leo 
the Tenth at Rome went far toward putting it into. 
practice. 


4.24 ETERNAL ROME 


Indecent letters flourished. The promise of Boccaccio 
and Poggio bore abundant fruitage in an unexampled 
harvest of foul literature, whose mere production would 
have been a sufficient index of the time had not the re- 
ception which it met been enthusiastic. To say nothing 
of the obscene stories of Bandello, a Dominican monk 
afterward made bishop, or of the foul wit of Pietro 
Aretino, who wrote the Virgin’s life as well as cele- 
brated in his compositions the orgies of lust and was 
made a Knight of Saint Peter by the pope, it is enough 
to mention the fact that one of the most admired poems 
of the age was the Syphilis of Fracastoro, dedicated to 
Cardinal Bembo and declared a “divine poem” by 
Julius Cesar Scaliger. The revived pagan love of form 
in literature made the times as blind to its content as 
the revived love of personal beauty and indulgence of 
the senses made them indifferent to personal character. 
The same poet could write of religion and the lusts 
of the flesh; and artists painted or modelled many a 
Virgin and saint from not at all saintly models. 

Thus had the Eternal City emerged from the Dark 
Ages to become at the same time the center of all that 
was most brilliant in a brilliant new era, and the vortex 
into which was gathered all that was depraved. The 
papacy had been irresistibly drawn back to her from 
Avignon, and she had been the inspiration and the pro- 
moter of the new culture, though, like the Rome of the 
Empire, barren herself, she had wrought with the hands 
of sons by adoption and assimilation. That the Reforma- 
tion was late in coming and its effect less revolutionary 
is one more evidence of her great power over men. 

For men still revered the historic city, still felt the 
spiritual refreshment of contact with soil once trodden 


GOD AND MAMMON 425 


by the feet of the saints and enriched by the blood of 
the martyrs, still coveted the blessing of the visible head 
of the Church. Their hearts and their reason alike told 
them that the glitter and the scandal of worldliness and 
carelessness were only accidents, and that behind them 
were the realities of Eternal Rome. Each recurrence of 
the jubilee, which had been held three times in the four- 
teenth century, again in 1400 and 1450, and was fixed 
by Paul the Second for every twenty-five years, saw 
multitudes filling the ways of Europe to stream through 
the gates of Rome. The jubilee of Nicholas, in 1450, 
attracted a throng so dense that on one occasion two 
hundred people were trampled down or plunged into 
the Tiber at the Ponte Sant’ Angelo, and witnesses 
compared the crowds to ants, exaggerating the daily 
multitude of visitors to three millions. The papal 
treasury was filled to overflowing. On Easter Sunday, 
1500, two hundred thousand persons knelt before Saint 
Peter’s to receive the benediction from Alexander the 
Sixth. Luther, at his first sight of Rome, in 1510, had 
prostrated himself and cried, “Hail to thee, thou sacred 
Rome: yea, truly sacred by thy holy Martyrs and their 
blood that was shed within thee!” It was seven years 
after he had entered the gates, to find the Holy City 
built upon hell, that the reformer was at last driven to 
loose the ties that bound his soul to it. Erasmus was so 
under its spell as to declare that it would take a Lethe 
to make him forget it. 

There were indeed attractions in the society of the 
people who made up the Rome of the time, to say noth- 
ing of the sentiment roused by the ruins of ancient 
empire and the sanctuaries of fifteen hundred years. 
What Erasmus saw during his visit, could it be seen 


426 ETERNAL ROME 


through his eyes by the modern moralist under whose 
condemnation the city of the Renaissance lies, would go 
far toward lessening the harshness of his judgment. 

“Rome as the theatre of the world and its culture 
fascinated the greatest scholar of the time,” says Gre- 
gorovius, reproducing the social Rome in which the 
great Dutchman found himself. “Monuments, art and 
collections, libraries, the wealth of learning and intellect, 
the grandiose style of life, all filled him with admiration. 
As a satirist it seemed to him a great European carnival, 
where worldly vanity went masked in spiritual attire, 
where were represented all lusts and desires, all in- 
trigues and crimes, their magnet the Vatican, and 
thirst for gold, honors and power the forces that moved 
them. Sailing on this tumultuous sea he seemed to be- 
hold Sebastian Brand’s overcrowded Ship of Fools; 
and, in fact, soon after his arrival in London in 1509, 
he wrote his celebrated Praise of Folly in the house of 
Thomas More. 

“As a Christian he was astonished at the bold and 
glaring colouring borrowed from paganism by the Ro- 
man religion, of which nothing remained that was not 
false, and whose formerly revered temple had been 
transformed by the ambition and rapacity of the priest- 
hood into a European banking house and a retail mar- 
ket for diplomas of favors, indulgences, and objects of 
superstition. As a man of the world, however, Krasmus 
could not feel otherwise than at ease in the courts of 
cardinals, and above all he had to acknowledge that in 
this corrupt Rome were found the most liberal form of 
intercourse and the most exquisite courtesy. In the age 
when in his Cortegiano Castiglione drew the ideal 
courtier, ancient urbanity was revived, and even if only 


GOD AND MAMMON 427 


the mask of inward corruption, it must have enchanted 
every northerner. 

“The papacy, learning, antiquity, art, all linked Ro- 
man society in correspondence with the world. In Rome 
the most important matters of the time were discussed, 
or actively taken in hand; cosmopolitan politics, cos- 
mopolitan literature, for in the Renaissance of Latinism 
we may speak of such a thing, the arts, poetry, the ris- 
ing drama,—above all, science. The wealth of intel- 
lectual life flourished here in the morass of vice. It is, 
moreover, only just to admit that alongside of sen- 
suality and avarice, pride and self-importance, hypoc- 
risy and falsehood, conspicuous virtues were seen; 
generosity, friendship and benevolence, respect paid to 
talent, and love of all that was beautiful. In nobler 
natures even unchastity was accompanied by a liberal | 
humanity, which was the true flower of the culture of 
the Italians. No other city could show a society so 
universally educated as that of the wholly corrupt city 
of Rome. Florence had emigrated to Rome, or the city 
of Lorenzo Medici had become a stepping stone to the 
Academy of the world. Valerianus might justly say 
that Rome at this period did more for intellectual cul- 
ture than the whole of the rest of Italy. With equal 
justice Cardinal Riario called Rome the common father- 
land of all scholars.” 


3. 
THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 


EFORE the savagery of sack and carnage de- 

scends to wreck the iridescent fabric of the Renais- 
sance at Rome, let us re-present to the imagination the 
city in which the fabric has been reared. 

It was a rapidly growing and changing city of some 
fifty thousand inhabitants in which Leo the Tenth and 
Clement the Seventh reigned before the great catas- 
trophe. The transformation which at the present day 
is so complete that of medizval Rome, with the excep- 
tion of the older churches, a few ruined tower-strong- 
holds of the barons, the so-called house of Crescentius, 
and here or there the remnants of portal, wall, or win- 
dow imbedded in recent masonry, nothing is longer 
visible, had its beginnings under Eugenius the Fourth. 
Among his successors, the greatest architectural reno- 
vators were Nicholas, Paul, Sixtus, Alexander, and 
Julius. The recital of the more important activities of 
their times is the story of magnificent change. Among 
their palaces and villas were the Conservatori, the San 
Marco, later the Venezia, the Borgia, later the Sforza- 
Cesarini, the original Colonna, the Cancelleria, the 
Adriano Castelli, later the Giraud-Torlonia, the origi- 
nal Madama, the F'arnesina, the Belvedere, and the new 
Vatican, with the Sistine chapel. Among churches built, 
restored, or embellished were Santa Maria del Popolo, 
San Pietro in Montorio, Sant’? Agostino, Santa Maria 
della Pace, Trinita dei Monti, San Pietro in Vincoli, 
the Santi Apostoli, the Lateran, and the earliest part 


THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 429 


of the new Saint Peter’s. The Ponte Sisto was built, 
streets were straightened and paved, new avenues were 
laid out. The Corso took more definite form; the Via 
Alessandrina, later Borgo Nuovo, the Via: Giulia, the 
Lungara, and the Lungaretta became what at that time 
were great thoroughfares. 

To think of the Rome of Leo and Clement, however, 
as bearing a closer resemblance to the city of our own 
times than to that of the age preceding would be far 
from truth. The Rome of the Dark Ages was beginning 
to disappear, and modern Rome was taking form, but 
the new was only a small proportion of the whole. The 
palaces, churches, and other creations of the Renais- 
sance stood out among the ancient and medieval sur- 
roundings like a scattering of purple patches. 

The identity of the Fourteen Regions of Augustus 
had long since been lost, with both the ancient numbers 
and names. They had been succeeded in the early Dark 
Ages by ten regions, later increased to twelve on the 
left bank, with the Trastevere as a thirteenth on the 
right. Already known by name and number during the 
Avignon period, at the end of the century they appear 
officially in the order which they have since preserved. 
I. Regio Montium, Italian Rione Monti, was so named 
from the hills in the northeastern part of the city; IT. 
Regio Trivii, Italian Trevi, contained the famous foun- 
tain; III. Columnzx, or Colonna, had its name from 
the column of Marcus Aurelius; IV. Campimartis, or 
Campo Marzo, from the great Campus; V. Pontis, or 
Ponte, from the bridge of Sant’ Angelo; VI. Parionis, 
or Parione, from the walls remaining from the stadium 
of Domitian or the theater of Pompey; VII. Arenule, 
or Regola, from the sand of the Tiber bank; VIII. 


430 ETERNAL ROME 


Sancti Eustachii, or Sant’ Eustachio, from the church 
of the Saint; [X. Pineex, or Pigna, from the pine-cone, 
a relic of antiquity probably forming a fountain; X. 
Campitelli, from the Capitol, or from the capitals of 
ancient columns; XI. Sancti Angeli, or Sant’ Angelo, 
from the church in the ruined portico of Octavia; XII. 
Ripz, or Ripa, from the bank of the Tiber from the 
island to below the Aventine; XIII. Transtiberim, or 
Trastevere, from its position across the river under 
the brow of the Janiculum. The Borgo, containing 
Saint Peter’s, the Vatican, and the Castello Sant’ An- 
gelo, was the property of the popes as heads of the 
Church, not within the bounds of the municipal juris- 
diction until the reign of Sixtus the Fifth, 1585-1590, 
who made it Rione XIV. 

Of these regiones, or rioni, or districts, or wards, 
Borgo was the seat of the papal court and the goal of 
the great concourse of pilgrims. There were in it a great 
many inns, most of them kept by Swiss and Germans. 
The latter nationality alone in Kugenius’ time had more 
than sixty hostelries and wine-shops in this region. The 
many vacant spaces still to be seen in it, in which rose 
here and there the palaces of cardinals and courtiers, 
were usually lone and quiet, but thronged with life on 
every jubilee. The great pile of the Vatican, always in 
some part in process of construction, and the begin- 
nings of the new Saint Peter’s, rising from 1506, con- 
tributed to the roughness and irregularity natural to 
the Borgo as to other parts of the city. From the castle 
of Sant’ Angelo and the Ponte Sisto, a private covered 
way and the Via Alessandrina led to the Vatican and 
Saint Peter’s. The old basilica, with its broad flight of 
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THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 431 


long aisles rich with the monuments and memories of 
more than a thousand years, had not yet disappeared. 

Trastevere, south of the Borgo, was thickly inhabited 
by a humble and sturdy population of boatmen, porters, 
gardeners, millers, and wine-sellers, who lived in the 
lower part near the Tiber. Always a comparatively iso- 
lated region, it was strongly marked by medieval fea- 
tures. It contained many strong-built palaces and 
churches of ancient appearance. Towers frowned down 
upon its tortuous streets, and vineyards, gardens, and 
deserted fields occupied the slopes and summit of the 
Janiculum which rose above them. A bridge led from 
the rione to the city on the left bank by way of the 
island, on which were three churches and a convent, one 
of them the church of Saint Bartholomew, lodged in 
the ancient temple of A“sculapius. 

Rione Sant’ Angelo lay opposite the island, and con- 
tained the crowded quarter of the Jews, the fish-market 
in the ruins of the portico of Octavia, the theater of 
Marcellus with smoke-blackened shops in the grottoes © 
formed by its arcades and the palace of the Savelli 
imbedded in its mass, and the Circus Flaminius, also 
with palace, house, and shop built into and about its 
remains. Sant’ Angelo was a maze of narrow, obscure 
streets befouled by heaps of ruins and rubbish, and 
somber with turreted strongholds still rising amid the 
confusion of common houses and shops. 

Regola, a long, narrow area extending from Sant’ 
Angelo northward to Ponte, also contained many 
towers and palaces, the residences of powerful families 
like the Cenci, between which and the Tiber lay a long 
stretch of gardens. It abounded in petty tradesmen 
and artisans, and its southern part was filled with Jews, 


432 ETERNAL ROME 


the piazza before the Cenci palace being already called 
La Giudecca. Cola di Rienzo’s home had been in this 
rione. The Spada and the Farnese had not yet risen. 

Ponte, north of Regola and opposite the mausoleum 
of Hadrian, was traversed by the chief avenues of ap- 
proach to the Borgo and Trastevere, and was the busi- 
est rione in the city. Near the bridge was the quarter of 
the great bankers, which is still marked by the Via dei 
Banchi Vecchi and the Via del Banco di Santo Spirito. 
There were great numbers of merchants in the same 
neighborhood. Ponte was the favorite residence of the 
most noted courtesans. Palace and dwelling still dis- 
played the medieval round-arched portal and window, 
the corbelled cornice, the massive wall, and the pillared 
portico. The Orsini quarter and palace on Monte Gior- 
dano was still fortified in 1500, and lay in the midst of 
unpaved streets and muddy lanes. Among its inns was 
the Orso, existing today with altered exterior; among 
its palaces, the present Sforza-Cesarini and Cicciaporci, 
with many lesser ones in the neighborhood of the Via 
dei Coronari of today, which received its name from a 
prosperous trade in rosaries and other sacred articles. 
The rione as a whole was irregular, containing fields and 
gardens, crooked streets, and obscure dwellings. Under 
Julius the Second and Leo the Tenth it was filling with 
Florentines, whose church of San Giovanni had begun 
to rise in 1488, and the neighborhood was undergoing 
rapid change. 

The life of Parione, which lay in the broad angle 
between Ponte and Regola, had its center about the 
Campo dei Fiori and the Piazza Navona, then the most 
important squares of the city. The former, in a space 
near where the theater of Pompey had once risen and 


THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 433 


still survived in remnants below the ground, was from 
Sixtus the Fourth onward the center of civil life,—the 
forum of Renaissance Rome. It was the scene of many 
popular gatherings, the horse-market, the place of exe- 
cution, the location of the larger inns, and in it the papal 
bulls were published. The special Wednesday fairs of 
today were already in vogue. At its north rose the Can- 
celleria, and the early palaces of the Massimi and Or- 
sini were in the vicinity. Near the Orsini stood Pasquino, 
the instrument in the single year 1509 of three thousand 
of the celebrated pasquinades. Piazza Navona, the space 
where formerly had stood the stadium of Domitian, had 
received the market on its transfer from the Capitol in 
1477, and was already the heart of merriment in Car- 
nival season. It was still surrounded by gardens as well 
as buildings. Traders and artisans formed the greater 
portion of the population of Parione, though where it 
bordered Ponte it sheltered many of the clerkly caste. 
Under Nicholas the Fifth it had been the center of the 
copyists. 

Sant’ Eustachio, east of Parione, and with Regola 
and Ponte forming the triangle which enclosed it, was 
long, narrow, and closely built. The church of the name, 
the University, the palace of Cardinal Giovanni dei 
Medici, later Pope Leo, which afterward received the 
name of Madama and was rebuilt in 1642, and the 
Collegio Capranica, now the oldest in Rome, were 
among its many important buildings, and the Caffarelli, 
the Cesarini, and the Della Valle among great families 
who dwelt in it. Johannes Burckard of Strassburg, mas- 
ter of ceremonies under Alexander the Sixth, had a 
palace there whose tower, inscribed “Argentina,” in 
reminiscence of Strassburg’s ancient Roman name, Ar- 


434 ETERNAL ROME 


gentoratum, gave the name to the present street and 
theater. 

Pigna, nearly square, and east of Sant’ Eustachio, 
contained the Pantheon, then lower than the surround- 
ing earth and obscured by mean buildings of the earlier 
time. Its arcaded Romanesque tower of 1270 still rose 
above the gable of the portico, and in front of it were 
two basalt lions later placed in the Vatican. The Do- 
minican church of Santa Maria Sopra Minerva was 
there, with the tomb of Catherine of Siena, canonized 
under Pius the Second. The papal and imperial pro- 
cessions after coronation or on other occasions were 
wont to pass the Pantheon and Santa Maria on the way 
from Saint Peter’s to the Lateran. The Palazzo San 
Marco, with its basilica of the same name, was at the 
southeast corner of Pigna, and the Corso formed its 
eastern bound. The church of the Gest and the Collegio 
Romano were not yet in existence, for it was not until 
later that Pigna became the great Jesuit quarter. 

The rioni of the east bank of the Tiber thus briefly 
characterized, with the Borgo and Trastevere on the 
west bank, contained by far the greater part of the city’s 
buildings and population. The most striking differences 
between them and the corresponding areas of Rome 
today, not to mention the absence of many churches, 
palaces, and wide streets of a later date, consisted in a 
somewhat greater abundance of conspicuous ruins, in 
decaying tenements, walls, and towers of the medieval 
centuries, in foul and unpaved streets, and in the pres- 
ence of deserted areas, gardens, and fields. 

Besides these there were but two rioni which bore 
more than a remote resemblance to the districts of the 
same name today. These were Ripa and Campitelli. 


THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 435 


Ripa, the southernmost of all, extending from the 
Capitol and Sant’ Angelo south along the Tiber bank 
to where the wall of Aurelian left the river to skirt the 
Aventine, was densely inhabited then, as now, only in 
the extreme northern portion, from Santa Maria in 
Cosmedin to the Tiber island. The greater part of the 
five or six thousand courtesans ascribed to Renaissance 
Rome lived here. In the street leading to Santa Maria 
was the scaffold to which the brotherhood of the Miseri- 
cordia of San Giovanni Decollato accompanied the 
doomed wretches to whose last needs they ministered. 
Near the river was the eleventh century building, still 
surviving in part, called the house of Pilate, Cola di 
Rienzo, or Crescentius. The greater part of the rione 
was a vast and almost uninhabited area. The Aventine 
was occupied by a few lonely ancient churches and the 
ruined fortress of the Savelli. The marmorata, or marble 
wharf, at its foot by the Tiber was buried and its con- 
tent almost unsuspected. The Circus Maximus had 
fallen into ruin, been plundered of material, and sur- 
vived only in the great fragments of its concrete sub- 
structures; its obelisks were deep in rubbish and vegeta- 
tion, and its race-course covered by vegetable-gardens. 
The immense ruins of the baths of Caracalla rose 
mightily from the midst of lone fields and cultivated 
areas. 

Campitelli, where had been the heart of ancient Rome, 
was north of Ripa, and included the Capitol, Forum, 
Palatine, and part of the Celian. It was even more de- 
serted than now. Active life had left the Capitol, which 
had so long been the center of the ancient and medieval 
city. The palace of the Senator, restored by Sixtus the 
Fourth but still of medieval aspect, and the palace of 


436 ETERNAL ROME 


the Conservators, erected by Nicholas the Fifth and 
already visited for the Wolf, the Thorn-extractor, and 
other statues, stood alone in the piazza, which was 
graced by a few antiquities; and the church of the 
Aracoeli rose on the site of the arx and the temple of 
Juno, with the famous stairway of ancient marble built 
in 1348. The rest of the arx, and all of the ancient Capi- 
tolium, were covered with vineyards and gardens in 
whose midst lay ruined foundations in heaps. The statue 
of Marcus Aurelius was still at the Lateran. The famous 
hill was now known as Monte Caprino, perhaps from 
the goats that browsed over the ruins of the temple of 
Jupiter Optimus Maximus. At its southern base where 
began the life that circled the hill to the south and west 
lay the church of Santa Maria della Consolazione. The 
Forum, with a wretched hovel here and there on its 
borders and against its ruins, was buried beneath the 
débris of centuries, and served as a cattle-market, or as 
mere pasture, from which it long kept the name of 
Campo Vaccino. ‘The column of Phocas and the shafts 
of Castor and Pollux rose above the deep and unex- 
cavated political center of the ancient capital, and on 
either side of the arch of Severus, half buried and sur- 
mounted by a tower, rose the church of Saints Sergius 
and Bacchus and the church of Saint Hadrian. The 
arch of ‘Titus was built into a fortress-tower. The Pala- 
tine was a maze of romantic ruins in the midst of olives, 
vines, and shrubbery, with San Teodoro and Santa 
Anastasia at its western and southern base. The Coli- 
seum was a vast ruin overgrown by shrubbery and with 
half its former self lying in mountainous heaps at its 
base, a gigantic quarry of travertine for the builders 
of the time. Beside it stood the arch of Constantine, 


THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 437 


built against until scarcely visible, and beyond them 
both lay the Celian, a wide expanse of deserted fields 
with a few lonely churches rising in their midst, and 
with the great Lateran group at their southeastern 
limit. 

At the north border of the more populous district 
next the Tiber lay the rioni of Campo Marzo, Colonna, 
and Trevi, all of them in large part wild and abandoned. 
The southern portion only of Campo Marzo, which lay 
along the Tiber, was thickly populated. The northern 
part, between the river and the Pincio and the Porta 
Salaria, was an expanse of vineyards, gardens, and 
groves. In and about the fortress-ruins of the mauso- 
leum of Augustus, soon to contain the Soderini gardens, 
cattle were pasturing. The obelisk lay in four pieces in 
the street by the river called Ripetta. The area now 
occupied by the Piazza di Spagna, and that by the 
Piazza del Popolo, which was fronted by the important 
and solitary church of Santa Maria del Popolo, were 
covered by vacant fields, and the Pincio was overgrown 
with trees and shrubs. The Via del Babuino and the 
Corso, like the Ripetta, in their northern parts were 
unbordered by houses. A path shaded by trees led from 
the populous parts near the Tiber to the just erected 
Trinita dei Monti, whose background was an almost 
uninhabited wilderness. 

Colonna, next to Campo Marzo, reached far to the 
northeast, including the gardens of Sallust, which, with 
the area of the present Piazza Barberini, were deserted 
and wild. Montecitorio was covered by gardens and 
dwellings, and the column of Marcus Aurelius rose in 
a narrow and irregular piazza, its base half buried. The 


438 ETERNAL ROME 


buildings of the city to its north were rare; the name of 
the Via Capo le Case survives as a witness to the fact. 

Trevi was thickly mhabited only in the vicinity of 
the Santi Apostoli. No palace of great importance had 
been built in it until the beginning of the sixteenth cen- 
tury, and its upper parts on the Quirinal were still occu- 
pied by vineyards, villas, and groves, out of which rose 
the remnants of Constantine’s baths and the temples 
of Serapis and the Sun. The Colonna gardens were 
near San Silvestro, and the villas of Platina and Pom- 
ponius Letus were also on the Quirinal. The Horse- 
tamers gave their neighborhood the name of Monte 
Cavallo. The fountain of Trevi, thus known from the 
meeting of three roads, was still in the modest form in 
which it had been built by Nicholas the Fifth and Sixtus 
the Fourth. 

Of all the rioni, Monti was the most desolate and per- 
haps the most impressive. A broad wedge whose north- 
eastern base was formed by a wide stretch of the wall 
of Aurelian and whose point reached to the Corso, it 
was the largest of all, and contained the greater portion 
of the Quirinal, the Viminal, and the Esquiline, and a 
part of the Celian. The old Lateran, in the midst of 
ruined towers and the arches of the Acqua Claudia, 
Santa Maria Maggiore, San Clemente, San Martino, 
and San Pietro in Vincoli, were the centers of its life, 
and the enormous ruins of the baths of Diocletian, the 
Pretorian camp, the Sette Sale, the baths of Constan- 
tine, and the fora of Augustus, Nerva, and Trajan 
were its most prominent remains of antiquity. The 
population of the Subura district was considerable, but 
all the rest of the rione was lived in only here and there. 
It was a wilderness of orchards and gardens intersected 








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THE FORUM AND PALATINE IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 


A DRAWING OF ETIENNE DU PERAC, 
WHO INTERPRETED THE RUINS WITH GREAT FREEDOM 


REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION OF THE HERDERSCHE VERLAGSHANDLUNG FROM 
L. VON PASTOR’S DIE STADT ROM ZU ENDE DER RENAISSANCE 





THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 4.39 


by irregular lanes and country roads, with giant spec- 
tral ruins rising from the midst of neglected solitudes. 
Had it not been for the wall of Aurelian, which enclosed 
it and marked the limit of the ancient city, Monti would 
have seemed more like a great area of straggling 
suburban fields than an integral part of Rome. 

The whole city of the earliest sixteenth century was 
thus only the pitiful ghost of imperial Rome. The Borgo 
alone contained buildings and life to be compared with 
the life and monuments of the ancient empire, and 
Trastevere was the only one of the regions of Augustus 
which approximated the ancient density of habitation. 
Of the other thirteen ancient regions, the ninth alone, 
Campus Martius, was now thickly populated, and was 
enough in itself to contain the great majority of the 
people on the left bank. The remaining twelve, to the 
north and east and south, save for churches and towers, 
with scattered little clusters of houses, some the modest 
forerunners of the great villas of later years, were a wide 
expanse of vast and rolling fields, picturesque with vine- 
_ yards and verdure-covered ruins, and made one with the 
rest of the city only by being within the great wall. 
Even the denser parts had their vacant and deserted 
areas, and presented a motley aspect. Here and there 
only, out of squalid surroundings, crowded and ob- 
scure, or from the midst of solitary unpaved areas, rose 
in striking contrast the palaces of the great, centers of 
refinement and magnificence. In spite of its fame and 
wealth and rapid growth, it was a thing of shreds and 
patches, a city ragged and picturesque with ruin and 
dirt and splendid with luxury and pomp, a resurrected 
body awake from long slumber and still enveloped in 
the clinging remnants of its ancient mortality. 


44.0 ETERNAL ROME 


The visitor who ascends the Janiculum today and 
looks forth upon the incomparable panorama of Rome, 
the Tiber, the Campagna, and the distant mountains, 
may easily picture to himself the scene as it appeared 
to the eye of the famous constable of Bourbon when, 
on May 5, 1527, serving Emperor Charles the Fifth in 
his quarrel with Pope Clement the Seventh, he estab- 
lished his headquarters in the convent of Sant’ Onofrio 
and prepared to storm the city. Occupying the merest 
niche in the great space once covered by the Eternal 
Rome of the ancient emperors, turbulent with passion 
and marred by immorality, it was nevertheless the seat 
of an intensely brilliant culture, filled not only with 
treasures of art and learning, but with material wealth 
such as few cities of the age possessed. 


| XI. 
THE ROME OF THE POPES 


And I say also unto thee, That thou art Peter, and upon this rock 
I will build my church; and the gates of hell shall not prevail 
against it. 

And I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven: and 
whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven: and 
whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven. 


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1. 


THE REVELS ENDED 


T dawn on the morning of May 6, 1527, the forty 
thousand German, Spanish, and Italian soldiers 
of the constable of Bourbon stormed the walls of the 
Leonine city, bearing with them their mortally wounded 
and already dying leader. Pope Clement took refuge in 
the Castello Sant’ Angelo. By nightfall the feeble re- 
sistance offered by the Romans in the Trastevere and 
at the Ponte Sisto had been overcome; the Germans 
were in the Campo dei Fiori, the Spaniards in the 
Piazza Navona, the Italians near the bridge, and all 
Rome was at the mercy of an army composed of adven- 
turers, the only safeguard against whose brutality and 
greed had been removed by the death of their captain. 
By midnight, the weak-hearted defenders of the de- 
generate city not having dared to molest them, they 
realized that Rome was theirs to be treated according 
to the practices of war. 

Then began the horrors of a sack worse than the sacks 
of Goth and Vandal. Before dawn the city was lurid 
with the smoke and flame of burning houses and reso- 
nant with the shrieks of wounded men and violated 
women. When Clement looked from Sant’ Angelo at 
break of day, it was upon a waste of blackened ruins. 

For eight days no form of suffering such as is wont 
at the worst to befall cities taken by storm failed to be 
visited on the wretched population. The city was pil- 
laged from attic to cellar; the search was continued even 
in the sewers, suspected of being the repository of 


444 ETERNAL ROME 


treasure. Every visible object of value was seized, every 
citizen taken was held for ransom. Neither high nor low 
escaped. Many paid for freedom only to be retaken and 
compelled a second time to purchase liberty. ‘Torture 
of every description was applied. Thousands fled, thou- 
sands were slain, and corpses filled the streets. 

And yet the passion of avarice was not the most ter- 
rible. Noble ladies, nuns, and little girls fell a prey to 
the fierceness of a soldiery knowing no mercy. Churches 
were profaned in the most revolting manner. The whole 
city was a turmoil of rapine, pillage, drunkenness, de- 
bauchery, lewdness, murder, sacrilege, and disease, and 
its population despoiled of every earthly possession. The 
actual pillage brought to an end through exhaustion 
of plunder, pestilence added terrors of its own. For the 
month before Clement’s surrender, for the six months 
that followed before his flight northward in December, 
and for the ten months of the papal absence, disease, 
death, and despair inhabited the city. If violence was 
less employed, it was only that the incentives to its use 
were no longer there. 

When finally, on the sixth of October, 1528, seventeen 
months after the terrible experience, the pope could re- 
turn, four-fifths of the city of Rome was empty. Pesti- 
lence, famine, and the hand of the enemy had caused 
the death of thirty thousand persons, and hardly fewer 
had disappeared by flight. The eighty-five thousand of 
the city of Leo the Tenth had been reduced to thirty- 
two. Hospitals were crowded with the wounded and the 
sick, and beggars filled the streets; rubbish and the ruins 
of thousands of burned buildings choked the thorough- 
fares. The deluge of rain which descended upon the 
scant papal party was hardly more violent than the 


THE REVELS ENDED 445 


torrent of tears that poured from the eyes of the un- 
fortunate Clement as he made his sorrowful progress 
through the city to throw himself in anguish and despair 
before the desecrated altar of Saint Peter’s. 

More had been lost from the city, however, than mere 
population and buildings. The sack of 1527 marked an 
epoch in the history of Roman and Italian culture. The 
brightness of the Renaissance was indeed darkened 
throughout the length and breadth of Italy by the clouds 
of war which swept over the peninsula; but at Rome, 
where the storm burst with greatest fury, its light for 
the time was extinguished utterly, and never did it re- 
gain its former brilliance. The revels of the court of 
Leo were ended; their actors, in so far as they had to do 
with art, learning, and manners, were scattered, together 
with many of the incomparable treasures with which 
they had enriched the city, to the four corners of the 
world; and the bright-hued life of culture and display 
which had filled its gorgeous palaces, and even its solemn 
temples, like an insubstantial pageant faded, left scarce 
a rack behind. 

The travail of the city was not all in vain. Once more 
had Rome lost her life to save it. As in the latter days 
of the ancient empire she had gradually yielded up her 
life to communicate to the barbarian world the life of 
civilization, now again she perished, this time to give to 
the modern world her art and learning. Dispersed over 
the face of Europe, her sons carried with them the fame 
and culture of the city and peninsula, and gave an im- 
pulse to culture in every clime. 

Yet Eternal Rome itself did not perish utterly, 
though it never again recovered the worldly glamour of 
the golden days of Julius and Leo. The fugitive popula- 


446 ETERNAL ROME 


tion began in time to straggle back, and the city rose 
once more from its ashes. If its sufferings had been 
greater than in the times of Alaric and Genseric, its 
recovery also was more rapid. This time it entered upon 
no long process of decay and decline. 

The shifty and unfortunate Clement the Seventh was 
succeeded by the vigorous and princely Paul the Third, 
Alexander Farnese, 1534-1549, who appointed Michel- 
angelo as chief architect, painter, and sculptor, con- 
tinued the work on’ Saint Peter’s and the Vatican, 
planned and partially executed the bastion at Santo 
Spirito to strengthen the decaying walls of the Leonine 
city, and for the greater safety of the capital on the 
left bank reared the huge bastions on the Aventine and 
in the wall of Aurelian between the Ostian and Appian 
gates. With an eye to the beauty and dignity of the 
city as well as its safety, he added the staircase to the 
Palazzo del Senatore on the Capitol, laid out the broad 
approach to the piazza on which it fronted, removed 
the statue of Marcus Aurelius from the Lateran square 
to its present position, and connected the bridge of Sant’ 
Angelo with the Via Giulia by the Via Paola. His reign 
saw the first steps in the conversion of the Palatine from 
a wilderness into the Farnese gardens, and the rise of 
the great Farnese palace, with the Caffarelli on the 
Capitol, the Spada near the Campo dei Fiori, the Villa 
Ricci, later Medici, on the Pincian, and the church of 
Santa Caterina dei Funari in the ruins of the Circus 
Flaminius. 

The reigns of the succeeding popes also to the end 
of the sixteenth century were marked by the rise of 
many edifices and monuments which still give charac- 
ter to Rome. Julius the Third, Giovanni del Monte, 





PLAN OF ROME IN 1584 


BY JACOBO FRANCO, 
SHOWING THE GROWTH OF THE CITY 


REPRODUCED FROM ROCCHI, PIANTE DI ROMA 


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THE REVELS ENDED AAT 


1550-1555, built the Villa di Papa Giulio outside the 
Porta del Popolo. Paul the Fourth, Pietro Carafa, 
1555-1559, built the gate of Sant’ Angelo. Pius the 
Fourth, Gian Angelo dei Medici of Milan, 1559-1565, 
erected the Porta Angelica, to the north of Saint Peter’s, 
completed the defences of the Leonine city, repaired 
the wall of Aurelian, and entrusted to Michelangelo the 
erection of Santa Maria degli Angeli and the Carthu- 
sian cloisters in the ruins of Diocletian’s baths, where 
they now form the Museo Nazionale, and the building 
of the Porta Pia, not to be completed until the nine- 
teenth century under Pius the Ninth. It was under 
Pius the Fourth that the Palazzo Mattei, to receive 
its final form a half-century later, was erected from the 
ruins of the Circus Flaminius., Pius the Fifth, Michele 
Ghislieri, 1566-1572, began the church of the Gest. 
Under Gregory the Thirteenth, Ugo Boncompagni, 
1572-1585, the fountains in the Piazza Navona were 
erected and the first great impulse thus given to the 
development of one of the most beautiful features of 
Rome today. The Palatine bridge was rebuilt, in the 
great flood of twenty-three years later to become the 
Ponte Rotto, the broad Via Merulana was laid out be- 
tween the villas and gardens that covered the area be- 
tween Santa Maria Maggiore and the Lateran, the Via 
di Monte Tarpeio was built on the northeast slope of 
the Capitol, the Porta San Giovanni took the place of 
the old Porta Asinaria. The abandoned and ruinous re- 
gion between the forum of Augustus and the Quirinal 
began to fill with dwellings, the tower on the Capitol was 
rebuilt, the facade of the Conservatori was begun, the 
Palazzo Salviati was erected on the Lungara across the 
Tiber, the Rucellai, later the Ruspoli, rose on the Corso, 


448 ETERNAL ROME 


and the beautiful grounds of the Villa Mattei on the 
Celian were laid out. 

In blunt and energetic Sixtus the Fifth, Felice 
Peretti, 1585-1590, arose the greatest builder of the cen- 
tury. He pushed to completion the great dome, employ- 
ing eight hundred men, at times even by night, from 
July 15, 1588, to May 14, 1590. He brought from 
twenty-two miles along the course of the ancient con- 
duits the second great aqueduct of modern Rome, the 
Acqua Felice, with twenty-seven fountains that dis- 
charge more than twenty thousand cubic meters of 
water in twenty-four hours. He erected the four obe- 
lisks now standing before Saint Peter’s and the Lateran, 
in the Piazza dell’ Esquilino, and in the Piazza del 
Popolo, and set the statues of Peter and Paul on the 
columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. He built the 
residence portion and library wing of the Vatican, the 
new Lateran palace, the Scala Santa, and a hospital 
for the poor at the Ponte Sisto, and laid out the Via 
Sistina and other thoroughfares radiating from Santa 
Maria Maggiore, where finally he was laid to rest. 

With Clement the Eighth, Ippolito Aldobrandini, 
1592-1605, who began the church of Sant’ Andrea della 
Valle, the sixteenth century closed. Its popes in the 
main had followed the example of Sixtus the Fourth and 


freely thrown opportunity before their relatives. The 


papal favoritism, however, had undergone a change. 
The ambition of popes to aggrandize their families by 
the creation of dukedoms and principalities outside of 
Rome was now for the most part replaced by the more 
easily accomplished purpose of adding to their standing 
and wealth within the city. With the Aldobrandini pope 


began the line of seventeenth and eighteenth century 


THE REVELS ENDED 44,9 


pontiffs whose administrations left in their train the 
enriched nephews and brothers whose families still form 
in great part what is left of the higher aristocracy of 
Rome, and whose palaces, villas, and public monuments 
constitute much of the city’s adornment as it appears 
today. Above a million scudi went to the kinsmen of 
Clement the Eighth in the course of his thirteen years 
in the holy seat. 

From the reign of Paul the Fifth, Camillo Borghese, 
1605-1621, who made his nephew Scipio cardinal and 
chief adviser, date the Acqua Paola and its magnificent 
fountains across the Tiber, the Borghese and Rospigliosi 
palaces, the latter built out of the baths of Constantine, 
the Villa Borghese, the completion of Saint Peter’s, the 
erection of the column from the basilica of Constantine 
before Santa Maria Maggiore, and the restoration and 
building of many churches. The cardinal-nephew of 
Gregory the Fifteenth, Alessandro Ludovisi, 1621- 
1623, reared the church of Sant’ Ignazio, and trans- 
formed the northern area of ancient Rome by the lay- 
ing out of the Villa Ludovisi. 

Urban the Eighth, Maffeo Barberini of Florence, 
1623-1644, constructed the square bastions enclosing the 
Castello Sant’ Angelo, strengthened the fortress with 
a hundred guns made from the bronze of the Pantheon, 
repaired the wall of Aurelian, and reared the huge de- 
fences extending from the Porta Cavalleggeri to the 
summit and along the slopes of the Janiculum down 
to the Tiber at the Porta Portese, a fortification destined 
to prove its usefulness in the siege of 1849. The same 
pontiff built also the Palazzo Barberini, the fountain 
of the Triton, and the famous baldacchino in Saint 
Peter’s, and enclosed the papal gardens on the Quirinal 


450 ETERNAL ROME 


between the Rospiglosi and Colonna grounds with a 
high wall whose material came from Aurelian’s ruined 
temple of the Sun. | 

Innocent the Tenth, Giovanni Battista Pamfili, 1644- 
1655, erected the Palazzo Pamfili and the church of 


Sant’ Agnese at the Piazza Navona, and the Villa Pam- 


fili outside the Porta San Pancrazio. Alexander the Sev- 
enth, Fabio Chigi, 1655-1667, nephew of Paul the Fifth, 
transformed the Piazza Colonna by the building of the 
Palazzo Chigi and the enlargement of the square, set 
up the obelisk before Santa Maria Sopra Minerva, and 
built the gigantic colonnade about the Piazza di San 
Pietro, with one of the magnificent fountains. 

Under Clement the Tenth, Emilio Altieri, 1670-1676, 
the other fountain rose, the ten statues of Carrara mar- 
ble were placed on the Ponte Sant’ Angelo, and the 
Palazzo Altieri, opposite the Gest, was built by the 
pope’s adoptive cardinal-nephew and administrator. The 
name of Innocent the Eleventh, Benedetto Odescalchi, 
1676-1689, is preserved in the Palazzo Odescalchi, on 
the Corso. The neighboring Palazzo Doria Pamfili, 
which had stood since the time of Julius the Second, 
received its present facade about the same time. The 
work of the century, for good and ill, was dominated by 
the masterful genius of Bernini. 

From the beginning of the eighteenth century, the 
building of monumental edifices diminished very 
greatly, and the city underwent little change in charac- 
ter. Among the restricted activities of the period were 
the rebuilding of the facade of Santi Apostoli by Clem- 
ent the Eleventh, Giovanni Francesco Albani, 1700- 
1721; the Spanish stairs, by Benedict the Thirteenth, 
Vincenzo Orsini, 1724-1730; the transformation of the 


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SCENE IN THE VILLA BORGHESE 


THE NAME HAS BEEN CHANGED TO VILLA UMBERTO 


THE REVELS ENDED 451 


Palazzo Riario into the Corsini on the Lungara, the 
embellishment of the fountain of Trevi, the restoration 
of the arch of Constantine, and the enlargement of the 
Capitoline museum, by Clement the Twelfth, Lorenzo 
Corsini, 1730-1740; the building of the facade of Santa 
Maria Maggiore, by Benedict the Fourteenth, Prospero 
Lambertini, 1740-1758; the beginning of the Vatican 
museum, by Clement the Thirteenth, Rezzonico, 1758- 
1769; its continuation, and the building of the sacristy 
of Saint Peter’s and the Palazzo Braschi, by Pius the 
Sixth, Angelo Braschi, 1775-1799; the Museo Chiara- 
monti and the Braccio Nuovo in the Vatican, and the 
restoration of the arch of ‘Titus, by Pius the Seventh, 
Gregorio Chiaramonti, 1800-1823; the restoration of the 
Porta Maggiore and the rebuilding, by Gregory the 
Sixteenth, Mauro Capellari, 1831-1846, of Saint Paul’s 
Outside the Walls, burned in 1823 while Pius the 
Seventh lay dying; and the works of Pius the Ninth. 

The modification of the city’s aspect for better or 
worse by these changes, however, was but slight as com- 
pared with the changes of the two centuries preceding. 
By the opening of the eighteenth century, the architec- 
tural character of Rome for the one hundred and sev- 
enty years that were to intervene from that time to the 
fall of the temporal power was fixed, and such modifica- 
tion as took place consisted for the most part in mere 
growth. 

Of the architectural aspect of the city at the end of 
the papal sovereignty, both the best and the worst that 
may be said is that it was characterized by uniformity 
and substantiality and by a lack of distinction. The 
rapid increase of Rome from the thirty-two thousand 
of the pope’s return after the sack of 1527 to the one 


452 ETERNAL ROME 


hundred thousand of less than a century later, to the 
one hundred and sixty-six thousand of 1776, and to 
the two hundred and twenty-five thousand of 1870, fill- 
ing the Campus Martius, climbing the adjacent slopes, 
more or less sparsely covering the nearer reaches of 
Quirinal and Viminal, and enveloping the older city in 
a monotonous stuccoed rectangularity, produced a uni- 
formity of its own which palace and church, however 
numerous and however pretentious, did not possess 
sufficient distinction to enliven. There were three palaces 
of the first order from the high Renaissance,—the Far- 
nese, the Cancelleria, and the San Marco, later called 
Venezia. Ranking with these, there was the fine ensem- 
ble of the Piazza del Campidoglio. Of the remainder, 
with the doubtful exception of the Barberini, the Bor- 
ghese, the Sciarra, and the Salviati, it may be said that, 
though they were often rich in some single detail, as 
the Sapienza in its court, the Spada in its decoration by 
relief, or the Mattei in its ornament of ancient sculp- 
tural fragments, their claim to distinction lay rather 
in bigness and in the spaciousness of court, staircase, 
and hall than in material, proportion, or external im- 
pressiveness. On the multitudinous churches that had 
risen during the seventeenth century or been restored 
into conformity with the prevailing architectural taste, 
the same judgment may be pronounced. There was the 
gigantic Gesu, dating from 1568, with heavy exterior 
and luxurious nave and chapels, the great baroque 
exemplar whose erection determined the architectural 
ambition of seventeenth and eighteenth century ecclesi- 
astical Rome, and filled it with clumsy scrolled and over- 
ornamented facades, and overloaded, overcolored, over- 
gilded interiors whose only claim to fitness is more often 








PLAN OF ROME IN 1650 


BY JACOPO DE ROSSI; 
THE LEFT OF THE PLAN IS NORTH 


REPRODUCED FROM ROCCHI, PIANTE DI ROMA 


a ies . 
ie 





THE REVELS ENDED 453 


than not the poor one that they impress the beholder 
with the power and splendor of the Church. The domes 
which at the same time arose in more or less humble imi- 
tation of the great dome, and came to characterize the 
architectural landscape of the capital, blended well with 
the mass of roofs and the city’s irregular lines, though 
no one of them by itself could claim great beauty. That 
Rome under the last pope-kings was, and that it still is, 
after all, a beautiful city and an impressive one is due 
not to the architecture of the Renaissance and the post- 
Renaissance, but to a certain unity of material and line, 
to a variety within the unity which results from the 
piquancy of the Romanesque campanile and basilica ap- 
pearing unexpectedly here and there, to the richness of 
the massive monuments of the ancient empire, to the 
generous sweeping of her outlines over hill and valley, 
and to the historical, cultural, and spiritual interests 
that cast a glamour on every block and brick and tile. 
The growth of the cultural, historical, and spiritual 
interest of Rome during the two hundred years that 
followed the sack of 1527 was hardly less pronounced 
than the amplification of its bounds and the multiplica- 
tion of its churches and palaces. It was a period marvel- 
lous for enrichment. In spite of the passing of the high 
noon of the Renaissance, in spite of the dispersion of 
artists and scholars to the far ends of Italy and Kurope, 
it was a period which saw a long procession of talented 
men whose presence not only left greater the material 
charm of the city, but added to the opportunities it af- 
forded the world for intellectual profit and enjoyment. 
Among architects, it saw the great Renaissance figures 
of Michelangelo, Sangallo, and Peruzzi, and the lesser 
figures of Fontana, Della Porta, Maderna, and Borro- 


45 A ETERNAL ROME 


mini. Among its sculptors, besides Michelangelo, were 
Benvenuto Cellini, Bernini, and Canova. Its painters 
included Taddeo Zuccaro, the young decorator of the 
Villa di Papa Giulio, Sebastiano del Piombo, Guido 
Reni, Sassoferrato, Domenichino, Guercino, and the 
Caracci, the French Poussin and Claude Lorrain, and 
the German Raphael Mengs. The celebrated name of 
Piranesi is among its engravers and proudest orna- 
ments. Among its poets were Tasso, T'assoni, Chiabrera, 
Metastasio, Monti, Prati, and Belli, the Romanesco 
sonneteer. Palestrina in the sixteenth century, and 
Verdi in the nineteenth, alone would make it famous in 
the annals of music. 

If it be remarked that these names represent on the 
whole the decline of artistic and intellectual genius in 
both frequency and brilliance, and its substitution in 
ever-increasing degree by mere imitative talent, and 
that the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are not 
conspicuous even for men of talent, the observation 
nevertheless does not signify the decay of Rome’s con- 
tribution to culture. In the appraisal of her service in 
this regard, account must be taken of the products of 
intellectual effort as distinguished from the creations of 
genius. Roughly speaking, it is true of European cul- 
ture that the fifteenth century and the first half of the 
sixteenth were the period of curiosity, inspiration, and 
creation, the later sixteenth and the seventeenth the 
period of imitative talent, artificiality, and decadence, 
and the eighteenth and nineteenth the period of criti- 
cism, research, and facilitation of cultural means. 

It was in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that 
most of the great libraries, galleries, and museums of 
Rome were formed or attained to their modern propor- 


ae 


THE REVELS ENDED 455 


tions. Of these the Vatican is the great example. The 
Vatican library, little more than projected by Nicholas 
the Fifth and Sixtus the Fourth, was increased under 
Clement the Eighth at the beginning of the seventeenth 
century by the addition of the Orsini collection, under 
Paul the Fifth by the acquisition of the Bobbio manu- 
scripts, under Gregory the Fifteenth and Urban the 
Eighth by the Heidelberg collection, under Alexander 
the Seventh by the library of the dukes of Urbino, under 
Alexander the Eighth by the collection of Queen Chris- 
tina of Sweden, and finally, after various other acquisi- 
tions, under Pius the Ninth by the library of Angelo 
Mai. The gallery and museum of the Vatican grew in 
the same manner to be parallel great influences in the 
world of sculpture and painting. The lesser museums 
of the Capitol, the Lateran, the Villa Borghese, and the 
Kircherian collection, are also creations of this period. 
Most of the collections of size were formed by the aggre- 
gation of smaller private ones. The original number and 
richness of these latter may be inferred from the fact 
that Aldovrandi in his guide of 1550 mentions over one 
hundred houses where were to be seen statues, busts, 
and reliefs of note. 

In nothing was the activity of the period more re- 
markable, however, than in the development of the 
study and care of the ancient Roman monuments. The 
origin and growth of the scientific interest in classical 
archeology goes back into the Dark Ages. Cola di 
Rienzo, deciphering inscriptions and identifying monu- 
ments, Nicholas Signorili, secretary to the senate under 
Martin the Fifth, appending a description of the city 
to a compilation of its laws, and Cyriac of Ancona, 
enthusiastic traveller, draughtsman, recorder, and col- 


45600 ETERNAL ROME 


lector, visiting Rome in 1424, the humanist Poggio, 
cataloguer of ruins, and Flavio Biondo, author of 
Rome Restored and Rome Triumphant, were its apos- 
tles and founders. By the time their line had been con- 
tinued into the nineteenth century by such scholars as 
Francesco Bianchini, excavator of the Flavian palace 
on the Palatine in 1720-1726, by Canina, Winckelmann, 
Visconti, Fea, Nibby, and De Rossi, it was no longer 
possible for curio-hunters or speculators to lay hands 
unhindered on the relics of the ancient city, or for either 
pope or prince to entertain the notions of a Sixtus the 
Fifth, who destroyed the Septizonium, and, when re- 
proved for violence to the monuments, promised hence- 
forth to respect only what was not ugly, or of Paul the 
Fifth, who despoiled the forum of Nerva, or of Urban 
the Eighth, who stripped the Pantheon roof of four 
hundred and fifty thousand pounds of bronze to make 
the hundred guns of the Castello Sant’ Angelo, and 
would have destroyed the tomb of Cecilia Metella to use 
its material for the fountain of Trevi, or of the various 
cardinal builders responsible for the disappearance of 
Constantine’s baths and Aurelian’s temple of the Sun 
on the Quirinal. 

The Rome of the pope-kings was rich not only in the 
esthetic and intellectual opportunity afforded by her 
palaces and monuments, by her galleries and museums, 
and by her libraries and academies; it was rich also in 
splendors. It was the old, aristocratic Rome of luxurious 
apparel and gorgeous retinues, of velvet jackets and 
knee breeches and buckles and capes and swords and 
ruffles and long hair and two-pointed hats, of silks 
and satins and lace and gold and jewels, of dinners and 
balls and elaborate etiquette, of private theaters and 


THE REVELS ENDED AST 


gambling and liaisons, of nobles who were almost kings 
with their gilded coaches and innumerable servants and 
mounted followers on fancy horses. A great part of the 
Campagna was the property of patrician families. The 
Borghese in 1770 held thirty-six estates. When Maria 
Carolina of Austria passed through in 1768, on her way 
to be queen of Ferdinand the Fourth of Naples, the 
men-at-arms of the Colonna’s twenty-seven estates were 
gathered by their masters to do honor to her as guest at 
Marino. 

The city was richer still in another way. Its palaces 
were the resort not only of a brilliant Roman society 
which included the great among princes, prelates, art- 
ists, and intellectuals, but of distinguished visitors from 
all parts of Europe, and even of other continents. 
Rabelais, Montaigne, Cardinal du Bellay, and _ his 
nephew Joachim had been among these who trod its 
streets in the earlier time, and Charles de Brosses, 
Goethe, Alfieri, Thorwaldsen, Gibbon, Keats, Shelley, 
Wordsworth, Hawthorne, Bayard Taylor, and Long- 
fellow were among the later. The diplomatic corps alone, 
with visiting monarchs, statesmen, and princes of the 
Church, were themselves the world in small. There were 
those who made Rome a more permanent residence, like 
Winckelmann, Zoega, Raphael Mengs, Angelica Kauf- 
mann, and the legion of scholars, painters, and sculptors 
of every nation who came for longer or shorter periods. 
Not least, there were the numerous royal personages 
who came as suppliants for the freely granted refuge 
from the storms of revolution or in search of spiritual 
repose. Christina of Sweden, the abdicating daughter 
of Gustavus Adolphus, after embracing the Catholic 
faith made the city her home from 1668 to her death in 


458 ETERNAL ROME 


1689 at the age of sixty-three, occupying the Palazzo 
Riario, later Corsini. In 1719, Clement the Eleventh re- 
ceived James Stuart the Pretender, whose son Charles 
Edward, the Chevalier St. George, was born in the city 
the next year, where, in Saint Peter’s, are to be seen the 
tombs of all the last of the Stuarts. Their presence 
brought also the Pretender’s wife the countess of Al- 
bany and friend of Alfieri, the Pretender’s brother the 
cardinal duke of York, and their mother, Maria Clemen- 
tina Sobieski. The Bonapartes, Lucien, Louis, Pauline, 
the brothers and sister of Napoleon, the last the wife 
of Camillo Borghese, lived there in the early part of 
the nineteenth century, and Charles Emmanuel of Sa- 
voy, after abdicating in 1802, died there in 1819, a 
member of the society of Jesus. In the last days of the 
papal sovereignty, the Bourbon house made Rome their 
residence on being driven from Naples. 

A paragraph from President de Brosses, written in 
1739-1740, is as true for all the period as for his own 
time. “All in all,” he wrote, “I know in all Europe no 
city which is more agreeable and more convenient and 
where I would rather live, not even Paris excepted. 
Eiverybody knows everybody here, and all are con- 
tinually meeting. Everyone is acquainted with every- 
one else’s affairs, and everything is, to a certain extent, 
the common property of gossip, and yet absolute free- 
dom of action reigns. The rest may talk: they let you 
do as you please.” 

Rich, however, as was the intellectual and social life 
of Rome during these three hundred years, its most 
abundant and its most characteristic wealth was in the 
life of the Church. In no respect had the downfall of 
the city at the hands of Charles the Fifth been followed 


THE REVELS ENDED 459 


by a greater change and a better change than in the at- 
titude of pope and people toward religion. 

The relation was hardly that of mere cause and effect. 
The protest of Martin Luther had been uttered ten 
years before the great disaster befell the city and the 
papal court; the Reformation had already come, and 
the counter-Reformation would have come as surely, if 
not as suddenly, had there been no sack. The world of 
the Church was ripe for change. The shock produced by 
the remorseless overthrow of the papal power and the 
city’s dignity only made easier the path of reform. 

It was a different Rome whose streets Pope Clement 
trod after the return from Viterbo. The spirit of Leo 
the Tenth had forever departed from it. The city of 
pagan brightness and festivity was soon succeeded by 
the city of Loyola and the Jesuits, the Index Expurga- 
torius, and the Inquisition. Coming as they did but little 
after the heyday of license at Rome, the humiliation and 
prostration of the papacy were so timely as to seem a 
manifestation of the wrath of God. The life of the court 
now no longer blazed with scandal. Orthodoxy and 
conduct came suddenly into their right. Before a half- 
century had passed, the world was surprised at the 
spectacle of a pope not only refusing to favor relatives, 
but even forestalling criticism by their removal from 
privilege. Hardly less novel was the combination once 
more, in the person of Pius the Fifth, of pope and 
ascetic, with an austerity of conduct one day to be re- 
warded by canonization. In 1576, the Venetian ambassa- 
dor Paolo Tiepolo could write: “It has contributed 
infinitely to the advantage of the Church that several 
popes in succession have been men of irreproachable 
lives; hence all others are become better, or have at 


460 ETERNAL ROME 


least assumed the appearance of being so. Cardinals 
and prelates attend mass punctually; their households 
are studious to avoid anything that can give scandal; the 
whole city has put off its old recklessness, and is become 
much more Christian-like in life and manners than for- 
merly. It may be affirmed that Rome, in matters of re- 
ligion, is not far from that degree of perfection which 
human nature can attain to.” 

The long period from the Renaissance to the read- 
justments of the nineteenth century may appropriately 
be called the period of the pope-kings. It was not indeed 
the beginning of the double authority exercised by the 
ruler of the Church, for the exercise of temporal as well 
as spiritual power had begun far back in the early ages 
of the Church, and the temporal sway had probably 
reached its maximum extent before the Reformation; 
but it was the longest period during which the power 
of the Church over the territory to which it had laid 
claim since the time of Pepin seemed most firmly estab- 
lished and was least often questioned, and it was a period 
during which the ecclesiastical state enjoyed more of 
the peace and order of organized government than had 
hitherto been its fortune. Something of the severe spirit 
of medizvalism, without the worse features of its life, 
had fallen again upon the city. Brigandage tormented 
its neighborhood from time to time, and violence was 
still all too well known in its streets; but feudalism no 
longer ruled, and drawn battles between the great fami- 
lies of Rome and the Campagna belonged to the past. 
The old ambition to rule the political destinies of Ku- 
rope had been shattered by the blow of the emperor 
Charles; in its place remained the less impossible and 
the more fit ambition to be influential in the keeping of 





PLAN OF ROME IN EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 


SHOWING THE SPREAD OF THE CITY TOWARD THE HILLS 
TO NORTH AND EAST 


REPRODUCED FROM ROCCHI, PIANTE DI ROMA 


a | 


tt gy, Te 





THE REVELS ENDED 461 


peace and in the legitimate, or at least the pacific, ad- 
vancement of the Church and its friends. However 
busily concerned in the councils of Kuropean monarchs, 
the papal court had never for so long a time taken so 
little visible part in their activities. Italy was no longer 
independent; Spaniard, Frenchman, and Teuton were 
at various times and in varying degree her masters. 
Rome and the central territories were quiet under papal 
rule, which was fostered and kept secure by the Powers, 
and were no longer in danger of invasion and overthrow. 
The temporal government had never been so free, 
though its freedom consisted only in being left to itself 
so long as it did not offend its protectors. Both the 
virtues and the vices of the holy seat were less loudly 
heralded to the world. Its abuses were those of peace 
rather than war, of administration rather than personal 
conduct, of provincial import rather than national, of 
incapacity and error rather than evil intent. 


2. 
THE POPE-KINGS 


O understand the evolution by which in the course 

of the long centuries the head of the Christian 
community of Rome came to be at the same time the 
spiritual sovereign of the world, the lord of Rome, and 
the monarch of the states of the Church, will be the 
better to appreciate both the significance of the spiritual 
change that came over city and papacy after the sack 
of 1527 and the importance of the movement which 
later resulted in the abolition of the temporal power. To 
arrive at this understanding, and to enter into the spirit 
of the Rome of the pope-kings, there could be no better 
means than to cast a glance in review over the history 
of the anomalous and self-contradictory, yet wholly 
human and natural, condition whose forcible termina- 
tion in the nineteenth century was the occasion of so 
much agitation, and left in its train such deep and in- 
tense feeling. 

Whether we accept, with Gregorovius and contro- 
versial Protestants in general, the view that “history 
knows nothing of Saint Peter’s presence at Rome,” or, 
with Lanciani and controversial Catholics, the view that 
“for the archeologist the presence and execution of 
Saints Peter and Paul in Rome are facts established 
beyond a shadow of doubt by purely monumental evi- 
dence,” there is at any rate no doubt that, at least from 
354, and perhaps from 170 or even 100, Peter was be- 
lieved by the heads of the Church to have been at Rome, 
and that his presence as founder of the Church was the 


THE POPE-KINGS 463 


basis of the Roman bishop’s claim to authority over 
other ecclesiastical heads. Likewise, whether we assent 
or not to the Roman Catholic interpretation of the 
“Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my 
church,” or to that of Beet, who asserts that the passage 
“makes excellent sense without in the least implying 
that Saint Peter was created by the Savior His sole 
Vicegerent upon earth, the one visible Head of the 
Church, and a spiritual monarch among his brethren,” 
and that “there is also ample evidence which goes to 
show that the leading expositors of the Karly Church 
never read it in the sense that the papal theory requires 
to be put upon it in violent contradiction to the whole 
tenor of the New Testament,” in any case we must rec- 
ognize that there was scriptural warrant for believing 
Peter the divinely ordained founder of the Church, that 
in the minds of all his successors from a very early time 
it was at Rome that the founder had his seat, and that 
the real or supposed fact of his presence at Rome had 
inestimable weight in the building of Rome’s authority. 
The bishop of Rome was able to claim the descent of his 
primacy not only from an apostle, but from the only 
apostolic founder in the western Church, and from the 
chosen apostle of Christ. 

This claim, nevertheless, however strong in later 
years, was not in the early years of the Church the chief 
cause of the growth in power of the bishop of Rome. The 
chief cause was Rome itself. Rome was the greatest city 
in the west and the capital of the world; it was natural 
that the Christian community of Rome should soon re- 
flect the importance of its seat. Less than forty years 
after the apostle’s death, Bishop Clement’s letter to the 
Corinthians regarding certain disorders in their com- 


464 ETERNAL ROME 


munity is written in a manner which clearly indicates, 
if it does not actually assert, the authority of Rome. In 
the second century, Rome has become beyond a doubt 
the center of the Christian movement. At its close, in 
195, Bishop Victor makes the unsuccessful but signifi- 
cant attempt to compel obedience in doctrinal matters 
by the excommunication of individuals and of entire 
churches,—the first employment in the grand manner 
of the weapon later wielded with such frequency and 
effect. | 

Calixtus, not long afterward, by disregard of certain 
marriage laws of the state which wrought injustice to 
Christian ladies, seems to show again the growing 
strength of the Church and its head. The same is to be 
said of his claim that the bishops, even though guilty 
of mortal sin, should be immune from deposition. That 
the assumption of authority on the part of the bishop of 
Rome, however, did not find the Christian world every- 
where submissive, is evident from the indignation of 
Cyprian of Carthage and his friends, excommunicated 
by Stephen the First for maintaining that rebaptism 
must be performed in the case of repentant heretics. The 
African bishop nevertheless contributed directly to the 
upbuilding of episcopal power, and indirectly to the 
supremacy of Rome, by strict insistence on the duties 
of obedience and respect to bishops on the part of the 
laity; the layman, for example, must rise to his feet on 
the entrance of the priest. The original democracy of 
the Church was fast becoming a hierarchy. To this there 
contributed in no small part the increasing frequency 
of deliberation and legislation by council, which de- 
veloped the authority of the bishop in the province, of 
the metropolitan in the wider territory, and of the 


THE POPE-KINGS 465 


greater metropolitans in the universal Church. As the 
Roman bishop was the only metropolitan in the broad 
area of Africa, Italy, Spain, and Gaul who claimed the 
apostolic tradition, he had naturally soon become the 
most prominent and authoritative in the west. 

The prominence thus encouraged could only have been 
greatly magnified when Constantine, together with his 
approval of Christianity, presented the bishop of Rome 
with the Lateran palace. Yet this prestige had by no 
means yet become absolute authority over all the west, 
to say nothing of the east, where a number of metro- 
politans, notably at Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, 
and Constantinople, were each more or less independent 
of the others, and all independent of Rome, and where 
there never came into being the intense concentration 
later developed in the west. The great council of Nicxea 
in 825 was called, not by Pope Sylvester, but by Em- 
peror Constantine; Sylvester was not even present, but 
was represented by Vito and Vicentius of Rome. 

The authority of Rome grew none the less steadily. 
During the progress of the Arian quarrel in 340, the 
western bishop, called to be mediator and judge between 
Athanasius and Eusebius, favored the views of the for- 
mer, from that time called orthodox. Three years later, 
the council of Sardica, in Dacia, acknowledged certain 
rights of Rome which in after time developed into its 
bishop’s “perpetual prerogative of summoning at will 
all cases to be heard before himself in Rome.” The Ro- 
man bishop was thus evolving into a sort of supreme 
judge, and not so much by divine warrant as by the ac- 
tion of an ecclesiastical organization desirous of the con- 
venience of ultimate appeal. The growing strength of 
the bishop’s position in the Church is farther indicated 


466 ETERNAL ROME 


by the continual courting of Libertus’ approval by both 
parties to the Arian dispute; in the Roman empire it is 
shown by the same bishop’s defiance of Constantius in 
355, when commanded to condemn Athanasius, a de- 
fiance which ended in forcible abduction. 'The esteem in 
which Liberius and his office were held in Rome caused 
a rising of the people in the effort to protect him, fol- 
lowed later by a petition to the emperor for his return. 
Not long afterward, the prestige of the city and its 
bishop is again increased when Damasus becomes the 
patron of Jerome in the publication of the Vulgate. 
Ammianus Marcellinus, the pagan officer of Con- 
stantius who visited Rome in 856, was struck by the 
power of the clergy, and especially by the worldly 
splendor of the bishop, who passed through the streets 
in his chariot like a consul riding in triumph. Jerome 
addresses him after the fashion of the time as “Your 
Greatness,” “Your Blessedness,” and, more familiar to 
modern ears, “Your Holiness.” In 378, the emperor 
Gratian, who refuses the time-honored title of pontifex 
maximus, rules at the request of a Roman council that 


henceforth deposed bishops who will not submit must | 


be sent by the imperial prefects or vice-prefects to 
Rome. In 390, after the massacre at Thessalonica, the 
emperor Theodosius is refused entrance into the church 
at Milan by Bishop Ambrose, who readmits him to the 
sacrament only after eight months of penitence. If 
Ambrose was for a time another head of the Church in 
the west and in authority rivalled the bishop of Rome, 
such was the power over both Church and state which 
he had developed and revealed to the world that it could 
not but contribute to the authority of his colleague in 
the more venerable city. 


ag i 


THE POPE-KINGS 467 


Leo the Great, subjugator of heresies and called the 
founder of the dogmatic supremacy of the apostolic 
chair, advanced the Roman bishopric still farther on 
the road to both prestige and substantial power. Envoy 
of Rome to Attila in 452, he succeeded, together with 
his colleague from the senate, in dissuading the “Scourge 
of God” from his march against the city, and saved it 
from the horrors of murder, sack, and fire. Three years 
later, in a similar manner and with perhaps equal good 
fortune, he won the promise of Genseric to respect the 
lives of the Romans and to remain content with only the 
pillage of the city. In 445, he had already secured from 
Valentinian the Third a rescript recognizing the rights 
of the bishop of Rome over all the provinces of Italy, 
and did not hesitate to assert supremacy over Illyria 
and Gaul, and to dispute the claims of Constantinople 
to equal authority with Rome. 

The spiritual primacy thus established over the west 
and claimed over the east was fostered in the west by 
the growing dependence of the sinking empire upon 
episcopal aid in the maintenance of order and authority. 
From the time of Constantine’s approval of the Chris- 
tian religion and the departure of government from 
Rome to Constantinople, Ravenna, and Milan, in 
measure as the imperial authority in Rome and Italy 
grew weaker and the disorders of barbarian aggression 
increased, and in measure as the east concerned itself 
less with the ancient capital, the power of the Church 
through its bishops, and the power of the bishops of 
Rome themselves, became greater and greater. Justinian 
bestowed upon bishops in general the right of super- 
vision not only over clergy, but over imperial agents, 
and even over provincial judges. Both the prefect of 


468 ETERNAL ROME 


Italy and the Roman prefect were to be appointed only 
on recommendation of the bishop of Rome. 

At exactly what date the process of spiritual cen- 
tralization was complete, and the bishop of Rome, who 
from the fourth and fifth centuries had been known, 
with some other bishops, under the title of papa, became 
known as the papa, or pope, is as impossible to deter- 
mine as the critical date in any other evolutionary 
process. It was never complete in the east, which from 
the fifth to the tenth centuries, in a progressive develop- 
ment marked by its anger at Leo’s claim to supremacy 
in 451, the iconoclastic controversy in the eighth cen- 
tury, led by Gregory the Second in Rome and Leo the 
Isaurian in Constantinople, the doctrinal dispute over 
the phrases filioque and et filio, and the crusaders’ abuse 
of the eastern capital, became more and more widely 
separated from the west until it broke away entirely. In 
Italy and the west, if it was not an accomplished fact 
by the time of Leo the Great, it was practically com- 
plete a hundred and fifty years later under Gregory the 
Great, the first of the name. It reached its sublimest 
result under Gregory the Seventh, five hundred years 
later, when a pope with the single weapon of excom- 
munication compelled an emperor to submission. 

Thus far of the growth of the spiritual power of 
Rome. But it was not only dogmatic and spiritual 
sovereignty that resulted from the drifting of the an- 
cient civilization into the decline that ended in the Dark 
Ages. Given the conditions, it is wholly natural that the 
Roman episcopate should have laid also the foundations 
of a temporal sovereignty. Entirely to separate the two 
would be impossible. To assert that either grew out of 
the other, or that either at any time was independent 





THE CASTLE OF CANOSSA, NEAR REGGIO EMILIA 


THE SCENE OF GREGORY THE SEVENTH’S 
HUMILIATION OF HENRY THE FOURTH 








THE POPE-KINGS 469 


of the other, would be failure to appreciate their mutual 
relationship, and would be to presume overmuch upon 
the possibility of defining precisely the nature of the 
spiritual and the temporal. Was the pope’s exercise of 
civil power, with the prestige it conferred upon his 
priestly office, a wholly temporal power, or was it partly 
spiritual? Was his possession of property, with the free- 
dom it conveyed in the advancement of the Church, a 
temporal power, or a spiritual? Was the power of ex- 
communication, by which he compelled the obedience of 
monarchs, a spiritual sovereignty, or a temporal? 

The rise of the temporal power of the popes over 
Rome and its adjacent territory was a growth as easily 
understood, and, within limits, as legitimate, as the 
acquisition of spiritual supremacy. Its beginning is to be 
sought in the desire of the Roman faithful, especially 
the well-to-do, to add to the comfort and effectiveness 
of their bishop and Church at the same time that they 
obeyed their own impulses of gratitude and love toward 
the shepherd of their souls. Even before the emperor 
Constantine made legacy or donation to the Church a 
legal act, and by his own gift of the Lateran palace 
made it also a popular act, both Church and bishop were 
the possessors of a certain amount of property. The 
landed estates under private control of the Roman em- 
peror in the Campagna, in Italy, and in the provinces, 
partly personal and partly held for the state, and 
known as the patrimoniwm Cesaris, including such hold- 
ings near Rome as the villa of Hadrian not far from 
Tivoli and the villa-camp of Severus at Albano, came 
soon after the removal of the ban by Constantine to be 
paralleled by the patrimonium pontificiwm and the 
patrimonium ecclesiasticum, also outside of the city and 


470 ETERNAL ROME 


including estates in Italy and the provinces. The patri- 
mony of the Church is first mentioned in the sixth cen- 
tury by Pelagius the First. From the seventh century 
on, exemptions of the Church from taxation, with other 
favors, so aided agriculture in the Roman neighborhood 
that a more generous treatment of tenants became pos- 
sible, and the population of the Campagna increased. 
The districts of the patrimonium were divided into 
many small dioceses, and supported many churches. Be- 
tween the fifth and sixth milestones of the Via Labicana, 
for example, there were twelve churches. There were 
other parts of the patrimony on the Via Appia and the 
Via Tiburtina, and a fourth was called the patrimonium 
Tuscie. Besides the estates of the Campagna, the gifts 
and bequests of houses and gardens within the city, and 
of sums of money, the patrimony was swelled also by the 
transfer of pagan temple property, and by lands and 
other possessions in more distant parts of the empire. 
By the time of Gregory the Great, 590-604, the bishop 
of Rome was the largest and richest landholder in Italy 
and the west. 

It is not difficult to understand that the mere adminis- 
tration of the four parts of the patrimony in the Roman 
Campagna, of the property within the city, and of ex- 
tensive possessions in Liguria, the Cottian Alps, Cam- 
pania, southern Italy, Sicily, Dalmatia, Illyria, Gaul, 
Sardinia, and Corsica, accomplished through the dea- 
cons and sub-deacons who constituted the rectors of the 
patrimony, officials patterned after the imperial pro- 
curators, could of itself place the pope in the light of a 
temporal prince. When it is remembered that, in addi- 
tion to this, Gregory himself was a noble and ex-prefect 
of Rome whose good offices were often sought, that his 


Pe 


THE POPE-KINGS 471 


recommendation in the appointment of civil officials 
both in Italy and in Rome was both solicited by the 
appointee and regarded by the emperor as a favor and 
a duty, it is easy to believe with Gregorovius that, in 
spite of his authority being generally restricted to the 
Church, the great pope, “as possessing the faculties 
suited to the circumstances of the time, was brought into 
a position which made him the tacitly recognized head of 
Rome, and with perfect right he is looked upon as the 
founder of the temporal dominion of the papacy.” 

The pope thus enjoyed extensive temporal powers 
even before the foundation of the political ecclesiastical 
state. This latter was accomplished in 754, when Pepin, 
king of the Franks and patrician of the Romans, at the 
despairing entreaties of Stephen the Second, rescued 
Rome from the Lombards, restored to the Church the 
patrimonies it had lost, and by deed made over to it 
both these and certain other territories of which he dis- 
possessed both the Lombards and the Byzantines. The 
act of Pepin was later confirmed by Charlemagne. Paul 
the First, 757-767, is the first pope who may be called 
formally a territorial prince. The precise limits of the 
lands thus coming under control of the Church are un- 
known, but they included the exarchate of Ravenna, the 
Adriatic cities of Ancona, Sinigaglia, Fano, Pesaro, 
and Rimini, collectively called the Pentapolis, and in 
general the not very clearly defined provinces extending 
across central Italy to seventy-five miles south of Rome 
at Terracina; roughly speaking, the area which, after 
many vicissitudes, formed the states of the Church until 
the temporal power was overwhelmed by the rising flood 
of Italian nationalism. When Pius the Ninth came to 
the throne in 1846, the states formed an irregular band 


472 ETERNAL ROME 


about four hundred miles long and one hundred and 
twenty-five wide, reaching from Terracina to Ferrara 
and from the Esino to the coast of the Maremma, and 
containing eighteen provinces. 

If it is impossible to set definite boundaries to the new 
papal territory of the eighth century, it would be no 
less impossible to define the limits of papal authority 
over city and country. The acts of Pepin and Charles 
were probably in the main but the confirmation of con- 
ditions already in existence when Lombard aggression 
became too harsh to be endured. The relations between 
the pope and the people of the city and its adjacent 
territories which the decline of imperial Rome, the ne- 
cessity of supplementing decayed authority, the distance 
and impotence of the Byzantine government, and the 
never-forgotten model of Czsarism, had all contributed 
to bring about in essence, were now made formal and 
substantial. Those relations, however, had never been 
perfectly definite, and did not now become so. For 
nearly three hundred years the status of Rome had been 
prejudiced by the contentions of Goth, Lombard, and 
Byzantine with the pope and the Roman people; from 
now on it was to be kept in uncertainty and disorder by 
the never-ending and always conflicting claims of the 
imperial authority founded by Charlemagne, the papal 
authority confirmed by the same hand but not made 
wholly independent of the emperor, and the municipal 
ambitions that came into being on the city’s acquisi- 
tion of freedom from the interference of Lombard and 
Byzantine and its passage practically into the pope’s 
control. 

At first governed, so far as the emperor was con- 
cerned, only by the missz, who were little more than in- 


e+ — 


THE POPE-KINGS 473 


spectors, the papal dominions soon lost the sense of 
imperial control. It was not long before the Romans, 
having thus had experience of liberty, became resentful 
of the more substantial and more directly applied au- 
thority of the pope. The consequence was that on the 
death of Charlemagne they rose against Leo the Third. 
Their independence was not long sustained. Fifty years 
later the energetic Nicholas the First, 858-867, is found 
ruling with firmness and vigor a realm from Terracina 
to Ravenna, restoring two aqueducts in the city, repair- 
ing the defences of Ostia, building lavishly, patronizing 
the liberal arts of a generation sunk in ignorance, re- 
lieving the poverty of the multitude in the grand style 
of a Cesar, and successfully maintaining both his rights 
against the emperor and his authority over disobedient 
bishops. In him is to be seen the first papal ruler con- 
scious of worldly kingship, the first pope-king. 

The pope-kings, however, were not destined to exer- 
cise undisputed sway, at least over the city of Rome. 
The municipal party, which had attained to self-con- 
sciousness but not to power during the reign of Charle- 
magne, had risen against Leo the Third, and had been 
held in check by the strong hand of Nicholas, now 
rapidly grew in strength, and under the leadership of 
the nobility began again to dispute the sovereignty of 
the pope. In the popular uprising of 932 against the 
rule of Hugo and Marozia, the temporal power of the 
pope, and the authority of the emperor, the papal 
dominions were seized by the citizens led by the second 
Alberic, who for twenty years ruled as Princeps atque 
ommum Romanorum Senator, and made the city and 
its territories an independent kingdom like other Italian 
principalities. But the change was not for long. Octa- 


A 4 ETERNAL ROME 


vian, the son of Alberic, having become John the 
Twelfth, incidentally founding the papal custom of 
changing the name on accession, united the offices of 
prince and pope, and Rome and the ecclesiastical state 
came once more under papal authority. 

In spite of the troubles between pope and nobles, 
pope and emperor, and emperor and people which char- 
acterized the middle centuries at Rome, and in spite of 
the fact that the head of the world-Church, the king of 
an extensive realm, and the creator of emperors was 
frequently unable to rule his own Romans, the normal 
and usual state of the city up to the year 1143 was obedi- 
ence to the papal authority. Its principal officials were 
the prefect, a survival of the ancient prefectus urbis, 
who received his office from both emperor and pope, but 
in reality from the latter, and exercised civil and crimi- 
nal jurisdiction over the city and adjacent territory 
within the limit of a hundred miles; the consuls or dukes 
of the Romans, consules or duces Romanorum, pontifi- 
cal functionaries chosen from among the nobles, with 
duties concerning prosecutions and executions of judg- 
ment; and a varying number of clerical judges whose 
duties ranged from the purely and simply judicial to 
financial and other administrative functions in the papal 
palace, then still the Lateran, which was not abandoned 
for the Vatican as permanent seat of the popes until 
1377. 

In 1143, however, stimulated by the example of the 
northern Italian cities, which had erected themselves 
into independent communes, the Roman people rose in 
revolution, overthrew the papal and aristocratic régime 
of prefect and judges, and installed a popular senate 
or common council on the Capitol. The change was not 


THE POPE-KINGS 475 


so sweeping as might seem. EKugenius the Third, com- 
pelled two years afterward to recognize the new order, 
retained the appointment of the prefect and the right 
to approve the senators. In 1188, a renewed compact 
gave the pope again his revenues, with militia to defend 
his patrimony. The direct exercise of legislative and 
executive authority, which was still withheld, was no 
doubt more or less replaced by the power inherent in 
the administration of the patrimony; it is significant 
that the pope paid the salaries of senators and other 
functionaries. On the whole, however, there was a dis- 
tinct tendency in this century and the next toward the 
absorption by the commune of the former civil powers 
of the pope. The prefect’s authority was taken over by 
it, and the power of coinage, which had been restored to 
the pope but not exercised, remained in its hands. 

The senate of the twelfth century, consisting of sena- 
tors ordinary and senators counsellor, was theoretically 
supreme in the affairs of Rome. It was not, however, an 
oligarchy. Its measures were executed only after being 
prepared by a council chosen from the leading citizens, 
a council which met in the Aracceli and at one time con- 
sisted of eighty-four men, and after approval on the 
Capitol by a convocation of the total citizenship of 
Rome. The senatorial elections were annual, by parlia- 
ment of all the citizens. The number of senators varied. 
At first there were twenty-five; in 1152, two thousand 
citizens decreed the election of a senate of one hundred; 
a usual number was fifty-six, representing each region 
by four. As time passed, the tendency was strongly 
toward reduction to a very few; by the thirteenth cen- 
tury, the rule was one. At times the pope was commis- 
sioned to nominate a council of middle-men, mediani, 


476 ETERNAL ROME 


who elected the incumbent, a service which he probably 
performed after in some manner taking counsel with the 
people. In proportion as the number of senators de- 
creased, the number of functionaries at their service 
was multiplied. In the thirteenth century, there are to 
be heard of two vestararii, or guards of the treasury, six 
assectatores, or ushers, twenty-eight iustitiaru for the 
execution of sentences, mandatarii to give to interested 
parties the notices of senatorial decrees, a preco, or 
herald, a seneschal, a palatine judge, appointed for not 
more than three months, and five scriniarii palatini, or 
senatorial secretaries. 

In 1198, during a momentary collapse of the em- 
peror’s authority in Rome, Innocent the Third, the 
imperious pope who exterminated the Albigenses and 
revived the ambition for world-domination which had 
decayed with the death of Gregory the Seventh, re- 
gained control of both prefect and senate, and in a 
measure recovered the one-time papal supremacy over 
the dominions which had fallen into the hands of the 
nobles. Rome continued to be independent, but was 
subject to the will of the pope. Gregory the Ninth, 
another strong will and zealous persecutor of unbelief, 
acquired such authority over the senator as to make him 
the official instrument of the seizure and execution of 
heretics. 'The representative of the city was obliged to 
pronounce the ban against all who should be guilty, to 
seize those listed by the Inquisition, and within eight 
days of the sentence, which was read by the inquisitor 
on the Capitol, to put them to death. The place of trial 
and execution was in front of Santa Maria Maggiore. 
The Romans, themselves carried along in the current 
of the times, became through religious zeal the more or 


THE POPE-KINGS ATT 


less willing contributors to their own subjugation to the 
temporal power. 

From the beginning of the thirteenth century it had 
been the custom of Rome as well as other Italian com- 
munes to elect as their annual senator or podesta a dis- 
tinguished citizen of a sister city. With a cabinet of five 
notaries and six judges, and an advisory council of 
Capitoline judges, the senator was entrusted with full 
power except as he was subject to the desires of the 
civic assembly. Brancaleone of Bologna, who held the 
office from 1252 to 1255, supported the people against 
the nobles, who were at this time in the main subservient 
to the pope. In 1261, King Manfred was elected sena- 
tor, an example of Ghibelline reaction, and in 1263 the 


Guelfs in turn elected Charles of Anjou, brother of 


Saint Louis of France. In 1278, Nicholas the Third, an 
Orsini of secular ambition whose first purpose was to 
establish the states of the Church on a basis of law, hav- 
ing won from the emperor the recognition of the papal 
sovereignty over the Romagna, including Bologna, as 
well as over the widest boundaries of the ancient ecclesi- 
astical claims, compelled the resignation of Charles, and 
issued a constitution providing that henceforth the 
senatorial and other important offices should never be 
held by any emperor or king, prince, margrave, duke, 
count, baron, or any person of noble standing who was 
kinsman to them, but excepting citizens of Rome. The 
result of the exception was the encouragement of Ro- 
man patricians to aim at the senatorial power, and their 
acquisition of a new importance. Nicholas the Third 
himself, though he did not make official use of the title, 
was a senator for life, and his successors were for a long 
time chosen to the dignity. That they were made senators 


478 ETERNAL ROME 


as individuals rather than as popes could hardly have 
affected the degree of influence they exercised. They 
were at once the heads of the Church and the chief 
officials of the Roman commonwealth. 

Another significant moment in the history of Roman 
independence occurred in the fourteenth century during 
the absence of the papacy at Avignon. When Cola di 
Rienzo in 1847 overthrew the barons, proclaimed the 
Roman republic, and invited the cities of Italy to form 
_ themselves into a federation under the leadership of 
Rome and to make common cause of “the whole of 
sacred Italy,” he was entertaining, though more dimly, 
the idea and the hope that five centuries later were to 
send men to martyrdom and sweep the invader from 
the length and breadth of the land. 

The times, however, were not ripe. In spite of the 
absence and comparative unconcern of the papacy, the 
weakness of the imperial authority, and the spell of the 
name of Rome, the Festival of the Unity of Italy only 
demonstrated the impossibility of animating with a 
single purpose the scattered and diverse communes and 
principalities that went to make up the Italian race. 
The seven exalted but vain months of Cola’s rule were 
soon over, the old round of anarchy, conspiracy, in- 
surrection, and violence began once more, with now the 
papal party, now the nobles, now the people, now the 
emperors, as the principal figures in the tragic succes- 
sion of events, until Gregory the Eleventh in 1377 re- 
turned to a still conspiring and distracted capital, and 
farther until 1898, when Boniface the Ninth adroitly 
made the papacy again supreme, and the efforts of the 
two hundred and fifty years since the revolution of 1143 
to establish an independent civil state at Rome were 





THE POPE-KINGS 479 


practically at an end. Kugenius the Fourth was com- 
pelled in 1484 to renounce the temporal power, but two 
years later was reinstated by armed force. The failure 
of Stephen Porcaro’s attempt at revolution in 1453 may 
be called the last protest of Rome against the temporal 
power until the middle of the nineteenth century. Under 
Nicholas the Fifth, the same pope who hanged Stephen 
Porcaro in a tower of Hadrian’s mausoleum, began the 
splendid secularization which continued under Paul the 
Second, Sixtus the Fourth, and Alexander the Sixth, 
and culminated in the times of Julius the Second and 
Leo the Tenth. 


3. 
THE HOLY CITY 


ROM the time of Charles the Fifth’s coronation 

(1530) until the end of the eighteenth century,” 
writes Gregorovius, “the popes ruled Rome in such per- 
fect tranquillity, that during this period of the political 
extinction of Italy, as well as of the torpor of the pa- 
pacy, they enjoyed their happiest but most inglorious 
term of government.” 

This is hardly giving the times or the popes the credit 
they deserve. If the popes are to be judged wholly as 
kings and politicians, we may accept the verdict. If we 
judge them as men and priests as well as monarchs, and 
measure their importance by the more purely ecclesiasti- 
cal and spiritual effort put forth by them, they will be 
found a memorable line, and their times worthy of com- 
parison with any period of the same length in the history 
of the holy office. 

Whatever their errors as pontiffs and their defects as 
men, the popes from Paul the Third to the end of the 
temporal power were distinguished as a whole by 
earnestness of purpose and uprightness of character. 
Paul the Third, magnificent and easy in secular mat- 
ters, was exceedingly strict in what concerned the duties 
of religion. Paul the Fourth was ascetic and reformer, 
and Pius the Fifth was rigidly severe with himself as 
well as others. Gregory the Thirteenth was austere, 
Clement the Eighth self-denying, Clement the Ninth 
and Clement the Tenth gentle and charitable, Clement 
the Eleventh abstemious and the foe of abuse. Benedict 





THE HOLY CITY 481 


the Thirteenth allowed sixpence a day for his table and 
opened the Vatican doors to the poor, whom he called 
his relatives. Benedict the Fourteenth, independent 
and impartial, diminishing the number of useless holi- 
days and discouraging superstition, brought upon him- 
self the name of “the Protestant Pope,” the thirteenth 
and fourteenth Clements and the last four Piuses were 
men of cultivated tastes whose conduct was above re- 
proach, and even Leo the Twelfth and Gregory the 
Sixteenth, whatever their lack of vision, were actuated 
by serious purpose. Gregory the Sixteenth performed 
at least one great liberal act, the abolition of the anti- 
quated and barbarous penal code, with its trials in 
secret, its tortures, floggings, interrogations, and abuses 
of asylum and pardon. 

The same praise may be awarded to the character of 
the papal administrations in general. Many of them 
initiated, or, if the initiation was rather of the times 
than of pope or cabinet, at least witnessed and fostered 
the initiation of great movements. The council of Trent 
was in session for the forty years from Paul the Third 
to Pius the Fourth, and Paul’s reign saw also the for- 
mation of Filippo Neri’s brotherhood of the Oratory 
at Rome, and the rise of Loyola and the society of 
Jesus, at first by no means the offensive order it later 
came to be, but a great teaching brotherhood whose 
contribution to lay intelligence and the spirit of loyalty 
was sorely needed. The movement of the times toward 
greater strictness in the discipline of the Church, of 
which the Index was the sign, was continued by vigorous 
measures against heresy, which, however exaggerated 
or mistaken, were sprung of a seriousness regarding 
sacred matters to which the curia had been too long a 


482 ETERNAL ROME 


stranger. To Gregory the Thirteenth’s zeal for Catholic 
instruction was due the foundation of twenty or more 
colleges in Rome and Italy. Sixtus the Fifth’s appoint- 
ment of more churchmen to responsible positions in the 
government was due to moral as well as ecclesiastical 
purpose. Clement the Eighth was an active disciplina- 
rian. Gregory the Fifteenth’s reign was marked by 
world-wide missionary enterprise; it was he who founded 
and endowed for the supervision of foreign missions 
the congregation of cardinals called the Propaganda, 
canonized Francis Xavier, the apostle to the Indies, 
and built the cathedral at Los Angeles in California. 
By this time there were in South America five arch- 
bishops, twenty-seven bishops, four hundred monas- 
teries, and parish churches without number. Innocent 
the Eleventh enacted sumptuary laws, legislated against 
immodesty in dress, closed the gaming-houses, and in- 
sisted on the greater fitness of candidates for the office 
of bishop. Innocent the Twelfth legislated against 
nepotism, refusing his nephew permission even to reside 
in the Vatican. Clement the Eleventh was the enemy of 
abuses, and actively fostered missions. Benedict the 
Fourteenth founded four academies for the study of 
history and canon law, and opposed the Jesuits in their 
excesses among the Indians. The reign of Clement the 
Fourteenth saw the dissolution of the Jesuit society. If 
from the days of Clement to the end of the temporal 
power no great constructive movements took place, suffi- 
cient reason is to be found in the troubled nature of 
Napoleonic and Risorgimento times. Throughout the 
period, however, not only the popes personally, but their 
administrations, were characterized by great attention 
to charities, and by open-handedness in general. 





THE HOLY CITY 483 


It would be a distortion of the truth to assume that 
either all of the popes or all of their administrations 
were free from fault. Nepotism was long in dying, or 
rather in being throttled; yet from the time of Paul the 
Third, the last to practice it in the grand style, it could 
not be practiced at all without universal reproach. But 
nepotism even in its days of least restraint was not 
without excuse, if indeed excuse was demanded in an 
age when its practice was so largely taken for granted. 
Given the circumstances of a pope who was aged, lonely, 
and in need of younger and stronger men for counsel- 
lors, it was natural enough for the capable relatives of 
the ruler to be summoned to his aid. Not all nephews 
were elevated because of mere family ambition, nor did 
all of them make selfish use of their power. It needs but 
a glance over the line of cardinal-nephews of the six- 
teenth and seventeenth centuries to realize the indebted- 
ness of Roman building and Roman culture to their 
presence, to say nothing of Roman general welfare. If 
they sometimes proved unworthy, they were more often 
both competent and public-spirited. An Alessandro or 
a Ranuccio Farnese or a Scipione Borghese was more 
frequent than a Carlo Caraffa or a Pietro Aldobrandini. 
These facts considered, it is no mean tribute to the dig- 
nity and moral earnestness of the times that even the 
least objectionable kind of nepotism came to be con- 
demned, and that the offence was frowned out of exist- 
ence. 

The excesses of nepotism, however, were not the 
worst. There were abuses of incapacity in the adminis- 
tration of both city and state. It was a standing charge 
that bandits infested the country, and violence the 
streets of the city. In vain did Sixtus the Fifth hang 


484 ETERNAL ROME 


four men for possessing firearms, and a boy in the 
Trastevere for resisting officers, and erect twelve gal- 
lows between Anagni and Frosinone for the execution 
and display of marauders, and adorn the Ponte Sant’ 
Angelo with heads until they were “more numerous 
than melons in the Via dei Banchi.” In spite of six thou- 
sand five hundred commitments and many executions 
by Gregory the Thirteenth in 1582, and in spite of the 
deaths of five thousand men on both sides in the wars 
with outlaws between 1590 and 1595, the insecurity of 
the papal dominions continued, and came to an end only 
with the advent of the Italian monarchy. Clement the 
Thirteenth’s reign of less than eleven years, 1758-1769, 
saw ten thousand murders in the states of the Church, 
four thousand of them in Rome, a city of one hundred 
and sixty thousand. There were three hundred and 
thirty-nine executions under Leo the Twelfth, 1823- 
1829. Windows were ordered closed at eight in the eve- 
ning during the interval between deaths and elections, 
and lamps set in them, for the sake of the public safety. 
It was not infrequent for bishop or abbot to lay aside 
sword and pistols and to perform the holy office booted 
and spurred. The knife-duel was the commonest occur- 
rence. Contraband went hand in hand with brigandage 
as both result and cause, and was the normal condition. 
In the city, periods of incapable policing alternated 
with periods of ferocious severity when men were con- 
demned to death for trifling infringement of unwise 
laws. As is likely to be the case with feeble governments, 
weakness went hand in hand with cruelty. Mere theft 
was sometimes punished by death. For blasphemy, libel, 
defacement of doors and walls, possession of arms, en- 
trance into a nunnery, there were public flogging and 





§ 
‘ 
| 
j 





THE HOLY CITY 485 


the galleys, “with death at the pleasure of His Emi- 
nence’; and death might be by strangulation, walling 
up, hanging, burning, or beheading. The horrors of the 
medieval code lasted on until 1833. In the time of Pius 
the Fifth, in 1566, an edict to expel the courtesans from 
the city disclosed the fact that twenty thousand of the 
fifty thousand inhabitants were estimated to belong to 
that class, and roused a protest which the pope was 
compelled to heed. The political prison from 1849 to 
1870 near the Porta Portese had long been a place of 
detention for dissolute women. 

There was not only incapacity, but neglect and immo- 
rality. The example of the holy seat was not always fol- 
lowed by its ministers of secular affairs. Judges under 
Alexander the Seventh took four months’ vacation, ac- | 
cepted rich Christmas gifts from interested parties, 
yielded to pressure, and were dilatory and arbitrary in 
decisions. Innocent the Tenth was ruled by an unscru- 
pulous sister-in-law, and Benedict the Thirteenth chose 
unwisely in his favorite, Nicholas Coscia. In the six- 
teenth and seventeenth centuries at least, wealth and 
birth were privileged in the selection of bishops and car- 
dinals, and success depended often upon the favor of 
the pope’s kinsmen. The cardinal-nephews received not 
only legitimate compensation, but suddenly accumulated 
vast fortunes; the Borghese and Aldobrandini families 
in the short periods of their ascendency received a total 
of at least a million scudi. The financing of the papal 
administration was uncertain and shifty, depending 
much upon the ingenious loan establishments of the 
monti, the sale of offices, and the influx of voluntary 
contributions from abroad. In 1471 there were already 
six hundred and fifty salable offices, and by the time of 


486 ETERNAL ROME 


Pius the Fourth the number had grown to three thou- 
sand five hundred. “Give him pencil and paper, and he 
will create money out of nothing,” said an enthusiastic 
admirer of one pope’s financial genius. 

It was to be expected that the foibles of the popes 
and their administrators, to say nothing of the more 
serious offences, would rouse the spirit of satire that 
has always belonged to the Romans. With the return 
of letters in the Renaissance, and with the return of a 
measure of intellectual independence and individuality, 
what criticism had hitherto been rare and privately 
murmured began to be vocal. Its most eloquent and 
pungent expression was through Pasquino, the muti- 
lated statue of obscure origin still standing today at the 
angle of the Palazzo Braschi. Pasquino began his career 
in about 1500, and for three hundred and seventy years, 
with the occasional aid of Marforio, another ancient 
relic, supplied the place of the modern satirical sheet 
and the opposition newspaper. His origin and end coin- 
cide with the rise and fall of the pope-kings. 

In July, 1497, for example, Alexander Borgia is 
having the Tiber dragged in the search for the murdered 
duke of Gandia, his son, and in the morning a slip of 
paper is found attached to Pasquino’s person. “Lest 
we think thee no Fisher of Men, O Sextus,” it says, 
“thou art casting the net for thy son,—” 


Piscatorem hominum ne te non, Sexte, putemus 
Piscaris natum retibus ecce tuwwm. 


Or, Urban the Eighth, the princely Barberini, is 
dead. In his good fortune he did not forget his family, 
which is symbolized on the Barberini coat-of-arms by 





THE HOLY CITY 487 


the bees. Pasquino appears with an epigram, as usual, 
in Latin: 


Pauca hec Urbant sit verba incisa sepulchro: 
Quam bene pavit Apes tam male pavit Oves,— 


Let these few words be cut on Urban’s tomb: 
He fed his Lambs as badly as he fed his Bees well. 


Again, Pius the Sixth has been too frugal to meet 
Roman expectations in time of famine. Pasquino calls 
to his aid the art of design, and displays to Rome one 
morning the figure of a single tiny roll of bread, with 
the legend so often seen on the pope’s public monu- 
ments: 


Munificentia Pu Sexti,— 


Through the Munificence of Pius the Sixth. 


Sometimes Pasquino is moved to homelier expres- 
sion, and then the pasquinade is in his native tongue. 
Clement the Eleventh has been free-handed with his 
relatives at Urbino, and Pasquino does not relish the 
sight of Roman money departing in such quantity for 
the little provincial town. He and Marforio pass the 
word as they meet: 


Che fai, Pasquino? 
Eh, guardo Roma, che non vada ad Urbino,— 
What art doing, Pasquino? 


Oh, I am keeping an eye on Rome, to see that it 
doesn’t leave for Urbino. 


And one morning in the reign of Sixtus the Fifth, 
whose sister, said once to have been a washerwoman, 
has married a duke, Pasquino is found in a soiled shirt. 


488 ETERNAL ROME 


His friends are surprised and curious. He explains to 
them: | 


Eh, adesso che la mia lavandaia é stata fatta duchessa, ha 
tutt’ altro da fare che curarmi la biancheria,— 


Oh, since my washerwoman has got to be a duchess, she has 
quite other things to do than look after my linen. 


The bluff pope receives the stinging shaft, but pre- 
tends to admire its neatness, and skilfully baits a hook 
for the unknown author, who greedily takes it, pockets 
the promised reward, and has his right hand chopped 
off. “I didn’t promise not to cut his hand off,” says the 
keen Sixtus. 

When the angered old man in the Vatican has for- 
bidden farther words, Pasquino refrains from specific 
utterance, but manages to relieve himself without ex- 
posure to penalty. He is constrained to ease his feelings 
more than once: 


Crepo per non poter parlare,— 
I am bursting for want of a chance to speak. 


Son crepato per avermi troppo chiuso la bocca,— 
I’ve burst from having kept my mouth shut too long. 


Amo meglio crepare che tacere,— 
Vd rather burst than not speak out. 


But if the natural preference of brothers and 
nephews, the futilities of incapable men and measures, 
and the petty immoralities of the public service are to 
be considered in the light of abuses and weaknesses 
rather than more serious offence, the same may hardly 
be said of other excesses, also grounded in nature but 
less innocent in their consequences. The desire to save 





THE HOLY CITY 489 


souls and to advance the glory of the Church cannot 
excuse the lengths to which the Index went in the sup- 
pression of freedom of thought and speech. It cannot 
excuse the horrible and futile cruelties of the Inquisi- 
tion, or the petty and exasperating tyrannies of espio- 
nage. Pius the Fifth approving the Spanish burning 
of heretics and lighting the fires in Rome, Gregory the 
Thirteenth ordering a Te Deum and striking a medal 
after the massacre of Saint Bartholomew, the burning 
of Giordano Bruno at the stake under Clement the 
Eighth, Urban the Eighth and his treatment of Galileo, 
Pius the Seventh as late as the beginning of the nine- 
teenth century reviving the severities of persecution and 
suppression, Leo the Twelfth with his spies, Gregory 
the Sixteenth forbidding the Bible in the vulgar tongues 
and condemning the liberty of the press, Pius the Ninth 
with his approval of Christianization by kidnapping, 
are examples of zeal which hardly find place in the 
category of the virtues. 

These instances of papal frailty, it is true, cover a 
wide space of time; but, with others like them, they have 
afforded later generations the grounds for their ap- 
praisal of the papal state during the two hundred and 
fifty years before its fall. It will be seen that its sins 
were due in part to mistaken zeal, in part to the occupa- 
tion of office, from the time of Sixtus the Fifth, almost 
exclusively by clericals, in part to provincialism, in 
part to the natural resistance to progress of the most 
stable and slow-moving of the world’s institutions, in 
part to the neglect and arrogance which are the sure 
accompaniments of security, in part to the universal 
character of the times, and in part, but only in small 
part, to actual viciousness. That they existed may 


490 ETERNAL ROME 


modify our notion as to the possibility of uniting 
spiritual and temporal powers to the advantage of the 
spiritual, but it should not hinder the conclusion that 
the popes in the great majority were men of a high 
order, that in the main the measures of the Church were 
directed toward lofty ends, and that, compared with 
the secular states and their rulers of the same period, 
the papal state and its princes do not appear at serious 
disadvantage. 

If the authority of living witness be desired, no more 
interesting expression can be found regarding the 
Rome of the pope-kings than that of the learned and 
witty Charles de Brosses, president of the parliament 
of Burgundy, who visited Rome in 1740 under Clement 
the Twelfth. In Lettres familiéres écrites d’Italie, he 
comments in the genial mood of the amused spectator 
on the weaknesses of papal rule and the charm of the 
city: 

“The rulers who, since Sixtus the Fifth, have done 
endless things for the beautification of the city, have 
done nothing toward the cultivation of the Campagna, 
where one sees, literally, not a single house or shrub. The 
government is as bad as could be imagined were one 
to draw on the fancy at pleasure. Machiavelli and More 
amused themselves in the constructing of a Utopia; here 
one finds in the reality the exact opposite. Imagine the 
state of things, with a population one-third priests, one- 
third people who do next to nothing, and one-third who 
do nothing at all; where there is neither agriculture nor 
commerce nor manufacturing, though the city is in the 
midst of a fertile country and on a navigable river; 
where the prince, always old, with few years to sit on 
the throne, and often incapable of taking any action 





THE CHURCH OF SAINT PETER IN FEBRUARY, 1922 


THE CROWD IS EXPECTING THE ANNOUNCEMENT 
OF THE POPE’S ELECTION 





THE HOLY CITY 491 


of his own will, is surrounded by relatives possessed by 
no other idea than that of promptly laying hands on 
what they can get while they have the opportunity, and 
where, at each change of administration, one sees new 
plunderers arrive to take the place of those who no 
longer have need to plunder; where impunity is as- 
sured to anyone who cares to disturb his environment, 
provided only he has acquaintance among the great or 
is within reach of an asylum; where all the money re- 
quired for the necessities of life has its only source in 
other lands, a contribution constantly growing less; and 
where, in a word, the system which we have seen in 
France is established forever, though indeed not prac- 
ticed with the same fury. Note, however, that, since 
the paper money has no circulation outside of Rome, all 
the necessaries of life, because they must be purchased — 
elsewhere, must be paid for in silver, and that the place 
produces. nothing, a fact which in the course of time 
has so reduced the quantity of coin that today it is al- 
most impossible longer to obtain it. . . 

“But this is a great deal of fault that I am finding with 
a place which, after all I have said, is very agreeable to 
strangers not only for motives of curiosity, but because 
of the extreme liberty which reigns there, and because 
of the courteousness of its inhabitants, who in general 
are characterized, if not by cordiality, at least by at- 
tentiveness, and who are obliging and easy of access to 
a much greater degree than the people of any other part 
of Italy. It is also very easy for strangers here to gain 
admission to society and to find a welcome everywhere, 
and the Romans are beginning to live with each other 
on familiar terms, and to dine together, as in France. 

“You would of course like to have a word about the 


492 ETERNAL ROME 


vineyards of Rome and Frascati. I will say as to this 
only that the Italians esteem them too much and the 
French too little. Although we are as much superior to 
them in gardens as they surpass us in buildings, it is 
always a great pleasure to see, what I find in no other 
place, trees in the wintertime all green and leafy, and 
in summer the most beautiful and the clearest waters 
one could know. The views here are also very much 
praised, but they hardly give me pleasure, for what is 
there in the view of a plain far extended but barren and 
deserted? I might say as much of the houses; they are 
covered with reliefs, from ground to roof, but they have 
no bedrooms.” 

To this vivacious witness may be added the pictur- 
esque summary of the late eighteenth and early nine- 
teenth centuries by Silvagni, drawn largely from the 
diary of the Abbé Benedetti, who died in 1837 at over 
eighty, and who remembered the popes and the city 
from Clement the Thirteenth to Gregory the Sixteenth: 

“The streets were without signs and had no lamps, 
there were no sidewalks, the houses were without num- 
bers, the roofs without gutters, and the shop windows 
without glass. There were no names over the tradespeo- 
ple’s premises. Iron and wooden signboards, typical of 
the business carried on within, were substituted for 
names. Thus a cardinal’s red hat or a priest’s black 
beretta could be seen swinging before a hatter’s; a huge 
pair of red or black hands pointed out a glover’s; a 
snake hung over a chemist’s; cocks, eagles, hawks, suns, 
and bears marked the inns, on whose doors were often 
nailed falcons; a bush indicated a wine-shop; a foot or 
arm with blood issuing from it, a bloodletter; a copper 
basin, a barber’s; one of the Swiss guard, a dealer in lace 


THE HOLY CITY 493 


and trimmings; a pair of scissors, a tailor’s; a Turk 
with a pipe, a tobacconist; a horn, the post-horses; a 
piece of blue woolen goods, a cloth merchant; etc. 

“Most of the Roman tradespeople carried on the 
greater part of their business in the street. There, too, 
people did money transactions, cooked potatoes, or egg- 
plant, or chestnuts. At San Carlo al Corso they fried 
fish, and sold tripe, chickens, and slaughtered meats. 
There were open sewers full of filth in the middle of 
most of the streets, including the Corso. Sales of all 
kinds were strictly regulated by officials called calmieri, 
and many articles were monopolies of the great families, 
who had at some time or other bought the exclusive 
privilege of selling wax, arms, cosmetics, balsam, tap- 
estry, gunpowder, leather, and even pins. The Albani 
princes, for example, possessed the right to make pins_ 
at Urbino, and whoever ventured to import them from 
elsewhere was punished with fines and flogging. The 
emasculation of boys was almost a monopoly, and be- 
longed to a barber in the Via Papali, who had the fol- 
lowing announcement above his door: 


Qui si castrono li cantori delle cappelle papal 


. . . The Via del Babuino was mean and squalid. . . . 
From the Piazza Colonna to the Porta del Popolo there 
were only small and wretched houses. . . . 
“Locomotion indeed was difficult during the day im 
Rome, because of the vendors’ stalls and heaps of stones 
and dust and refuse of every kind encumbering the 
streets. It was in vain that placards were issued pro- 
hibiting the accumulation of filth and rubbish in public 
places; that stones were set up at the sides of the Via 


494 ETERNAL ROME 


Borgognona and other streets, some of which may still 
be seen, with inscriptions to the effect that anyone found 
committing an offence would be punished with fines, 
imprisonment, ed altre pene ad arbitrio di Sua Ec- 
cellenza. All the streets and chance nooks were filled 
with every sort of refuse and waste. Occasionally some 
culprit was caught by the sbirri and publicly punished, 
either in the Campo dei Fiori, at the corner of the Via 
della Corda, or in the Corso at the street of the same 
name, or he was flogged at the head of the Via del 
Babuino. . . . But the evil was without remedy be- 
cause it was always done at night, and at night the whole 
city was enveloped in darkness. Indeed the only light in 
the streets came from some little lamp burning before 
the shrine of a Madonna, or from some flickering torch 
at the corner of a palace. In most of the streets, there- 
fore, it was perfectly dark, and the few passers-by either 
carried lanterns themselves, or had well-armed servants 
with them for the purpose. 

“Now and then loud cries and desperate screams for 
help rent the air. Now it was those whose shop or house 
doors were being broken in by thieves, and now women 
who had been compelled to venture out and were being 
carried off or violated. The patrol frequently came to 
blows with the evildoers, and with the hired assassins of 
princes, ambassadors, and cardinals. 

“Morning often brought strange disclosures of crimes 
done in the hours of darkness, and it was no uncommon 
sight to see a culprit taken past on a mule, exposed in 
the pillory, and then subjected to the Cavalletto,—an 
infamous spectacle which Antonelli had the glory of 
reviving in 1856, with the applause of the Catholic 
world,—or to watch another poor wretch dangling from 


THE HOLY CITY 495 


the gallows in the Piazza del Popolo, without process, 
without form of trial, and without defence.” 

Yet, whatever the defects of the papal administration, 
and whatever its fluctuations in morals and capacity, 
there was one respect in which it did not change, and 
there was one remedy which it consistently refused to 
consider. The claim to both spiritual and temporal sov- 
ereignty had long ago taken on canonical form. Dog- 
matically, it rested on the divinely appointed headship 
of Peter which descended to all his successors on the 
throne; historically, on the patrimonium, on the deed of 
Pepin and its confirmation by Charlemagne, and on the 
transfer of Byzantine authority under the same kings 
from the east to Rome. More or less quiescent from the 
return of Clement the Seventh until the end of the 
eighteenth century because rarely questioned, the idea: 
of temporal sovereignty was roused to greater assertive- 
ness by the Napoleonic aggressions and the rise of mod- 
ern Italian ambitions; but it was never at any time for- 
gotten, and never laid aside. The popes in their own 
eyes were kings as well as priests. There were those in 
whom, like Sixtus the Fifth, Paul the Fifth, and Urban 
the Eighth, the consciousness of regal authority almost 
equalled, if it did not exceed, that of the priestly office. 
If there were the less princely and imperious, like the 
eighth and ninth Clements, Gregory the Fifteenth, and 
Benedict the Thirteenth, whose thoughts were fixed 
more on the matters of the other world than of this, their 
cardinal-nephews and favored counsellors saw to it that 
the pomp and circumstance of kingship, together with 
the retainer’s privileges, were not abated. If there were 
many who personally did not value the powers and the 
splendors of monarchy, and some who persisted in the 


496 ETERNAL ROME 


Franciscan or Dominican humility and self-denial to 
which they had been bred in their earlier days of service, 
there were probably none who did not firmly believe 
that the temporal power was necessary to the freedom 
of the Church and its capacity for good. To suppose that 
a Paul the Third, with his princely magnificence, or a 
Julius the Third, fond of ease and retirement, or a Pius 
the Fourth and an Urban the Eighth, with their erec- 
tion of elaborate military defences, or a Sixtus the 
Fifth, insisting on the papal right to dethrone the kings 
of Europe, or a Paul the Fifth, zealous for the exten- 
sion of papal authority, or a Pius the Sixth, refusing to 
surrender the temporal power and dying in exile and 
captivity, or a Pius the Ninth, refusing to recognize the 
state whose rise had finally deprived the Church of her 
domains,—to suppose that all or any of these were not 
actuated principally by the conviction that they were ad- 
vancing the interests of the Church and faithfully dis- 
charging the obligation they had assumed at the begin- 
ning of their careers, would be to wrong magnanimous 
men. 

It was but rarely that the pope conceived the idea of 
enlarging his territory by actual conquest. The army 
of Sixtus the Fifth, outside of the thirty thousand 
militia scattered through the states of the Church and 
not kept up, consisted of two hundred watchmen and 
one hundred infantry in Rome, sixty-three infantry in 
Perugia, forty-three in Ancona, and twenty-five each in 
Orvieto and Civitavecchia. He had a navy of six ships. 
The papal armament rose and fell according to circum- _ 
stance, but in time of need, which meant in time of the 
defence of the temporal right, the military force of the 
Church consisted usually of troops from friendly mon- 


THE HOLY Crry 497 


archs abroad. The frequent remark of Paul the Third 
that in case the potentates did him an evil turn he would 
have to use words in defence, rather than action, in 
order not to disclose how weak he was, might have been 
made by the pope at any time up to the twentieth of 
September, 1870, when Pius the Ninth instructed his 
army to make no farther resistance than would serve as 
a protest. 

It is thus to be seen that in the theory of government 
and in the administration of the states of the Church, no 
less than in the architectural character of the city, there 
was always a mingling of the religious and the secular. 
The same alliance of the eternal and the temporal was 
also visible in the great spectacles in the churches and 
streets of Rome. The splendid ceremonial, the parade, 
and the triumphal procession of the ancient empire re- - 
tained their place in the affections of the people and 
their rulers in the altered form of the papal coronation, 
the funerals of pope and cardinal, and the gorgeous 
ceremonies and processions of the great Church festi- 
vals. ‘Their presence through the ages is not only a mani- 
festation of the unchanging nature of papal theory and 
practice, but one of the characteristic features of the 
city as long as its destinies were ruled by the papacy, 
or as long as the pope continued freely to go and come 
in its thoroughfares. 

Already in the fourth century the court of the bishop 
of Rome had begun to imitate the ways of the impe- 
rial court. It was probably after witnessing the epis- 
copal procession on some great holy day that Am- 
mianus noted satirically the resemblance of the bishop’s 
progress to that of a Roman emperor in his triumph. . 
The more or less direct influence of the Roman court, 


498 ETERNAL ROME 


not excluding that of the imperial religious functions 
so inseparable from it, had soon acted upon the simple 
ceremonial of the early Church, already affected con- 
siderably by the comparative elaboration and _ splen- 
dor of the Jewish ritual. The character thus formed 
was later again enriched as Rome and Constantinople 
touched each other through Ravenna and the eastern 
supervision of Italy, by the influence of the Byzantine 
court and the eastern Church. It was from these sources, 
especially the Jewish and Byzantine, that there came 
into the Church the golden, beaten, chased, inlaid, 
enamelled, and begemmed crucifixes, vessels, and candle- 
sticks of the service, and the splendid vestments, altar- 
cloths, and tapestries, blazing with color or stiff with 
gold and precious stones, which never ceased, and never 
cease today, as the Church well knows, to fascinate the 
eye and captivate the imagination. 

It was from the same sources, and especially from the 
Byzantine and Roman, that the great processions also 
received their character. Let us witness one of them. We 
may well take leave of the Rome of the pope-kings by 
letting the eye rest for a moment on some of the color 
and picturesqueness which lent it charm throughout 
the ages. 

On February 22, 1198, Innocent the Third, after con- 
secration by the bishops of Ostia, Albano, and Porto 
in the already ancient and historic basilica of Saint 
Peter’s, appears with glittering retinue on the broad 
platform before it and solemnly seats himself on the 
papal throne. As the bishop’s miter is removed from his 
head and its place is taken by the golden and jewelled 
crown, the archdeacon who sets it there in the presence 
of the Roman multitude drawn from the thirty-five 


THE HOLY CITY 499 


thousand or so inhabitants, swelled by the crowd of 
strangers from every quarter of the world who never 
cease to stream to Rome, pronounces the impressive 
words: “Receive the tiara, that thou mayst know thy- 
self the father of princes and kings, the ruler of the 
world, the vicar on earth of our Savior, Jesus Christ, to 
whom is honor and glory through the ages of the ages.” 
The coronation done, the pope, gorgeous in rich ap- 
parel, resplendent with jewels and gold, and wearing the 
crown, mounts a horse in scarlet trappings, the stirrup 
and bridle of which, as he proceeds, are held for a few 
moments by an emperor or king, or, in their absence, by 
a senator or noble of Rome. After this preliminary, the 
great cavalcade begins its progress. It is headed by one 
of the pope’s splendid and richly caparisoned horses. 
After it come the mounted cross-bearers and twelve » 
mounted standard-bearers with red banners, and two 
horsemen with lances supporting golden cherubim; then 
prefects of the marine, advocates, clerks, judges in black 
gowns, all mounted; the singers, deacons, and sub- 
deacons, foreign abbots, bishops and archbishops, the 
twenty abbots of the Roman abbeys, the patriarchs, 
cardinal-bishops, cardinal-presbyters, cardinal-deacons, 
many of them white-haired and venerable, on horseback 
like all the rest; then the pope, on a white horse, with 
senators or nobles leading and sub-deacons and city 
prefect at his side, and the college of judges; then the 
civic guilds, the militia, and the knights and nobles in 
glittering arms, each with the arms and colors of his 
house. 

For the space of an hour, along streets wreathed and 
garlanded, under lofty triumphal arches, through the 
lanes of densely packed and staring people, to the 


500 ETERNAL ROME 


solemn chant of priests and the ringing of all the city’s 
bells, the splendid procession passes. It passes to the 
bridge across the Tiber and through the still standing 
arch of Gratian, Theodosius, and Valentinian; halts in 
Parione, where, according to the custom of newly 
crowned pope-kings, the pope receives the humble sub- 
mission of the Jews to their Christian lord; proceeds 
through the Campus Martius, through the forums of 
Trajan and Cesar, across the Great Forum under the 
arches of Severus and Titus, and past the Coliseum 
and San Clemente to the piazza of the Lateran, where 
the clergy welcome their new head with the solemn 
chant, conduct him to the arcade, and seat him on the 
symbolic sella stercoraria, the seat of abasement, whence 
he soon rises to scatter among the people from the lap 
of a chamberlain three handfuls of gold, silver, and 
copper, repeating as he throws it, “Gold and silver have 
I none, but what I have that I give thee,” after which 
he enters the Lateran church to offer prayer, and re- 
ceives the homage of the chapter. 

Issuing from the church, the pope next enters and 
takes possession of the Lateran palace, where he re- 
ceives the pastoral staff, the keys of the church and 
palace, and is seated on a porphyry chair, clad in a girdle 
of red silk from which is suspended a purple purse con- 
taining musk and twelve seals of precious stones, the 
symbols of the apostolic power and the Christian vir- 
tues. ‘The palace retinue is admitted to kiss the papal 
foot, and the cardinals and prelates kneel before their 
lord to receive the usual donation. At the banquet in 
the palace which follows the oath of homage by the 
senate and concludes the ceremonies of the day, the pope 
sits apart at a table with costly service, churchmen 





THE ATRIUM OF SAN CLEMENTE 


COLUMNS AND PAVEMENT ARE OF ANCIENT MATERIAL; 
BELOW AN UPPER AND A LOWER CHURCH ARE A GROT OF MITHRAS 
AND REMNANTS FROM THE REPUBLIC 





THE HOLY CITY 501 


and nobles are placed at another, and senators, pre- 
fects, and judges at a third. If kings were present, 
they would carry to the pope the first dishes, afterward 
seating themselves beside the cardinals, while the most 
distinguished of the nobility would serve him for the 
remainder of the banquet. 

If some of the medieval features of the coronation 
parade and other spectacles disappeared or were trans- 
formed at the coming of the Renaissance, their spirit 
and effect never ceased to be the same. The great annual 
parade of the Chinea on June 28 was hardly less splen- 
did than the coronation procession. The Chinea lasted 
up to 1787, when, after twelve years of contention as to 
whether the seven thousand ducats sent by the king of 
Naples was tribute or a voluntary gift, the money was 
simply deposited and the parade discontinued. The pro- 
cession began at the Palazzo Colonna and ended at the 
Vatican. At its head moved the Drummers of the Faith- 
ful from the Capitol in red and yellow stripes, and 
trumpeters with the Colonna standard flying from their 
instruments. Then came the pope’s lancers, officers, 
cuirassiers, the captain of the Swiss Guard with drum- 
mers, the Neapolitan ambassador on horseback, the 
Swiss Guard, twelve pages, footmen, attendants, and 
the white mule or horse bearing the seven thousand 
ducats, followed by more of the Swiss Guard, prelates 
and cardinals from Naples, four gilt coaches, drawn by 
six horses and with postillions in red, and many other 
carriages. It was all concluded by a great reception in 
the Palazzo Colonna. 

And what is true of the material splendors of the 
coronation and the Chinea is as true of the spiritual 
splendors of the more deeply religious events that called 


502 ETERNAL ROME 


to the streets the faithful and the curious from at home 
and abroad. From the fourteenth century, on the eve- 
ning of Holy Friday a great procession of the brothers 
of the Gonfalone across the city to the Coliseum took 
place. In the jubilee of 1550, fifteen hundred men were 
in the procession, three hundred and thirty-five of them 
bearing great crosses. In the same year the brothers of 
the Cross to the number of twelve hundred wound in 
solemn procession from San Marcello, many scourging 
themselves as they walked. | 

In 1581, Montaigne, adopted as a citizen by the city 
which, “as it stands now, deserveth to be loved, being 
the only common and universal city,” witnessed the 
exposition of the napkin of Veronica, and afterward 
wrote: “All the people were on their knees, crying 
misericordia, most of them with tears in their eyes. . . . 
There were infinite numbers present. Not only the 
church was filled with people; in the Piazza, from as far 
as one could see the pulpit and the relic, surged the 
press of men and women. Almost all men of considera- 
tion belong to brotherhoods, of which there are more 
than a hundred, with some especially for strangers. 
These brotherhoods perform their offices especially in 
Lent, but on this day they march by troupes through 
the streets enveloped in mantles, each troupe after its 
fashion, in white, red, green, blue, or black, and for the 
most part with covered faces. I have never seen any- 
thing so noble and so magnificent as the incredible 
throng of persons throughout the city at the ceremonies 
of the day, and especially these companies. For, be- 
sides the great number of others whom we had seen in the 
daylight and who had come to Saint Peter’s, when the 
night fell, with all the brotherhoods marching in order 





THE HOLY CITY 503 


toward the church, every one with a blazing torch in his 
hand, almost all of white wax, it seemed as if the whole 
city had burst into flame. I believe that at least twelve 
thousand torches passed me where I stood; from eight 
until midnight the street was continually filled by the 
procession, which moved with such orderliness and 
measure that, though the numerous brotherhoods had to 
assemble from various localities, there were to be seen no 
gaps or breaks in the line. Every section had its choir, 
and all were singing as they went. Between the lines 
went a line of penitents scourging themselves; I counted 
at least five hundred with pitiably raw and bleeding 
backs. It is an enigma which I do not yet well under- 
stand; they were all cruelly bruised and lacerated, and 
beat and tormented themselves incessantly. From their 
countenances, the assurance of their step, the firmness 
of their speech, for I heard some of them speak and the 
faces of a number of them were uncovered, one could 
not detect that they were suffering pain; though there 
were among them boys of twelve and thirteen. As an 
attractive-looking and very young man was on his way 
past me, a young woman among the bystanders ex- 
pressed pity to see him thus lacerated. He turned to us 
and said to her, with a smile, ‘Do not pity me; not for 
my own sins am I doing this, but to atone for yours.’ 

. . Arrived in Saint Peter’s, they merely filed past 
and were shown the Holy f['ace, and then left the church 
to give place to others. Women on this day enjoy great 
freedom. Far into the night the streets are filled with 
them, nearly all of them on foot; but all play of eyes 
and coquettish expression are at an end.” 

Such was the city of the pope-kings. It was first of 
all the Holy City. Rome was the capital now, not merely 


504 ETERNAL ROME 


of Europe and the Mediterranean fringes of Africa and 
Asia, but of an empire that had crossed the seas and 
lodged in strange islands and far-distant continents. 
Whatever the mordant comment of Pasquino and the 
sharp-tongued people when in moments of irritation 
or malice their vision penetrated the envelope of pomp 
and pretence and surprised poor humanity in its natural 
stature and lineaments, whatever the little tempests of 
ecclesiastical and mundane politics that obscured the 
vision of pope and prelate, whatever the contempt that 
was bred of familiarity in a population reared in the 
shadow of the Vatican, the fact of the Church’s great- 
ness and of her identity with Rome was seldom long 
forgotten by the Romans themselves, and never by the 
stranger within the gates. The local was forgotten or 
forgiven in the universal. It was not the sceptered sway 
of kings that made the city great in the eyes of men and 
gave her power over their hearts, but a spiritual au- 
thority that had its warrant in the long ages of her own 
and her Church’s existence, and in the infinite spaces 
over which she had diffused the faith. 


XII. 
ROME AND THE RISORGIMENTO 


Ora, o signori, in Roma concorrono tutte le circostanze storiche, intel- 
lettuali, morali, che devono determinare le condizioni della capitale di un 
grande stato. Roma é la sola citta d’ Italia che non abbia memorie esclu- 
sivamente municipali; tutta la storia di Roma, dal tempo dei Cesari al 
tempo d@’ oggi, é la storia di una citta la cui importanza si estende in- 
finitamente al di 1a del suo territorio, di una citta cioé destinata ad essere 
la capitale di un grande stato,— 


Now, gentlemen, we find meeting in Rome all the circumstances his- 
torical, intellectual, and moral which should determine the capital of a 
great state. Rome is the only city of Italy which has memories not ex- 
clusively municipal; the entire history of Rome, from the time of the 
Cesars to our own of today, is the history of a city whose importance has 
extended infinitely beyond its own territory, of a city, that is to say, 
destined to be the capital of a great state. 


Cavour in Parliament, March 25, 1861 


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ily 
THE RISE OF MODERN ITALY 


HLE process by which the Roman Christian Church 

came gradually to supplant the Roman pagan 
Church was in the way of nature. The process by which 
the bishop of Rome came to be the head of the Christian 
communities of Italy and the west, and the claimant to 
authority over all the Christian world, was quite as 
much in the way of nature. In the same manner, it was 
natural for the Church, which was the only authority to 
survive intact the ruin of the ancient civilization, and 
which was frequently invited by circumstance to assume 
the control of a world where earthly government had 
gone by default, to become in time the sovereign not 
only of souls but of material possessions, and in the con- 
fusion of temporal and spiritual rights to become en- 
tangled in politics and war, thus to lose the directness 
of vision and singleness of purpose that characterized 
the primitive communities in Christ. And, finally, it 
was again natural that, having acquired this double 
power, and through use having grown accustomed to 
the employment of the temporal to promote the spirit- 
ual, and of the spiritual to justify the temporal, the 
Church should resist all attempt to deprive her of the 
temporal power as an infringement upon her rights, her 
dignity, and her usefulness. 

If, however, the long course of the papacy’s develop- 
ment of the temporal claim did not lack the warrant of 
nature, the same is to be said of another process destined 
at last to destroy the ecclesiastical claim. The political 


508 ETERNAL ROME 


unification of Italy and the denial of the Church’s right 
to hinder it by the exercise of a claim which was un- 
necessary, if not indeed opposed, to the Church’s essen- 
tial purpose, was also wholly natural. 

And yet, to say that the unification of Italy was 
wholly natural is not strictly the truth, however true it 
is that the denial of the Church’s right to stand in the 
way was natural. ‘The presence of the papal state was 
not the only obstruction in the path of nationalism. 
Nature herself has been an obstruction as well as a 
facilitation. A disproportionate length and narrowness, 
with altitudes that range from marsh to mountain-top, 
have been the causes of great variety in climate, product, 
language, and temperament. Again, the barriers of sea 
and mountain have always encouraged the separation 
of territorial unit from unit, and exaggerated the in- 
dividualization of customs and character. Finally, with 
these causes is to be counted a racial diversity; the Medi- 
terranean stock and the Indo-European, the Etruscan, 
the Greek, the Arab, the Teuton, and the Celt, and the 
medley of modern European nations, have all played 
parts in sundering community from community and 
man from man in a country which for all time has been 
noted for the turmoil of cross purposes. 

The forces of unification, however, are more power- 
ful than those of separation. The sea on three sides and 
the wall of the Alps on the fourth shut Italy off from 
easy and rapid communication with the world. Her 
language, after all, has been since the beginning of 
Roman times a single tongue. Whatever her differences 
of altitude, they have not in themselves been sufficient 
to cause total divisions of interest; the life of the whole 


Battlefields shown thus e 


SCALE OF MILES 


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Longitude 10 t r Greenwich. 





MAP OF ITALY IN RISORGIMENTO TIMES 


SHOWING THE PROCESS OF UNIFICATION 


REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION OF CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS FROM 
PAGE’S ITALY AND THE WORLD WAR 


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THE RISE OF MODERN ITALY 509 


peninsula derives from the soil. Whatever her diversity 
of race, it is not enough to rob the designation “Italian” 
of a well-defined content as to complexion, tempera- 
ment, and bearing. 

“Tsolated within her natural limits,” Napoleon is said 
to have declared, “she is destined to form a great and 
powerful nation. Italy is one nation; unity of customs, 
language, and literature must in a period more or less 
distant unite her inhabitants under one sole government, 
and Rome will without the slightest doubt be chosen by 
the Italians as their capital.” “I will make of the scat- 
tered peoples of Italy a single nation,” he said at Elba 
in 1814 to the committee of patriot-conspirators who 
offered him the time-honored title of Emperor of the 
Romans and King of Italy; “I will give them the unity 
of customs which they lack, and it will be the most diffi- — 
cult task yet undertaken by me. I will open roads and 
canals and multiply communications. . . . I will make 
of Rome a seaport. In twenty years Italy will have a 
population of thirty millions and will be the most power- 
ful nation in Europe. . . . The foreigner will cease to 
tread the Capitol, and will never again return.” 

It is to be added, too, that from the time of the earliest 
Roman conquests Italy has been a unit in religion. It 
is still true, after fifty years of freedom from compul- 
sion, that the population of the peninsula is practically 
of one spiritual mode. 

It is frequently said that in 1870 for the first time 
since Theodoric Italy became a unit. This is true only 
if it means that then first she was again under the sway 
of one will. The unity of the later nineteenth century, 
however, was different from that of Roman times. In 


510 ETERNAL ROME 


1870 Italy not only became once more the willing sub- 
ject to a single authority, but for the first time in all 
history existed as a unit by herself. The ancient Roman 
state was never coterminous with Italy. Before the Ro- 
man republic had reduced or persuaded all the peninsula 
to obedience, it had come to include Africa, Spain, the 
Gauls, and Macedonia, and was in reality an empire. 
By Augustan times, the short interval during which, if 
at any time, Italy rather than Rome could have claimed 
to be the mistress of the world, had passed, and the 
peninsula was hardly more than a division among other 
divisions of the great empire. When Theodoric’s benefi- 
cent hand had relaxed in death, and the discords of the 
Goths began the long history of disunion which lasted 
fourteen hundred years, it was the province rather than 
the state of Italy which ceased to exist as a unit. 

Nor was the spiritual unity of that Italy which 
emerged from the chaos of barbarian invasion and native 
decadence a unity of the national sort, but of the uni- 
versal. Not the bounds of Italy, but the bounds of the 
world, were the limits of the spiritual empire. And when 
in the earliest dawn of the Renaissance the idea of Italy 
as a political unit came into being, it was hardly the con- 
ception of Italy as a self-sufficing, national entity. The 
call of Rienzo to the cities of Italy in 1847 to unite in 
federation under the presidency of Rome was not 
sprung of nationalism, but of the desire to revive the 
glories of ancient Rome. It was Rome that was to be 
glorified, not Italy. Petrarch’s appeal to the tribune, 
like the tribune’s call, was the result of regret for the 
past rather than of vision into the future. 

The cry of Pope Julius the Second, Fuori i barbari!— 
“Out with the barbarians!” was again not the cry of 


THE RISE OF MODERN ITALY 511 


patriotism later to make itself heard in the impassioned 
“Forth from Italy, O stranger!’ of Garibaldi’s hymn,— 


Va fuora @ Italia, va fuora ch’ éV ora, 
Va fuora @ Italia, va fuora, o stranier! 


The warrior-pope voiced the passion of a strong man 
irritated by opposition and of a people wearied by war 
and taxation, but hardly as yet the patriotism of a na- 
tion. It was the cry of an Italian, but not of an Italian 
whose first longing was the unity of Italy; it was the 
ery of an ecclesiastic who would have welcomed the 
liberation of Italy only on condition of its subjugation 
to his own will. It was not far from Julius’ own prime 
that Machiavelli laid at the door of the papacy the im- 
possibility of making Italy into a single state; basing 
his imputation, as others have based their approval of 
it, upon the reading of a history which reveals the 
papacy taking thought rather of its own estate than of 
the welfare of Italy as an entity, and again and again 
inviting the foreigner in to crush Italians who set them- 
selves in opposition to the papal will. From the times 
when Pepin and Charlemagne, called to the aid of the 
Church by Stephen the Second and Hadrian the First, 
made the papacy a territorially interested partner in the 
affairs of monarchs, to the days of Napoleon the Third 
and Pius the Ninth, the invaders of Italy were drawn 
by the solicitations of the pope in straits, or were pro- 
voked by his interference, or were otherwise concerned 
in the ambitions of the Church. 

Had Italy at any time before the modern era been 
really capable of unification, there was one juncture of 
circumstances when the papacy, stripped of temporal 
possessions and crushed as a political power, could have 


512 ETERNAL ROME 


offered no opposition. When Charles the Fifth’s army 
under the constable of Bourbon had taken the city of 
the popes and destroyed its friends so far as they were 
his own enemies, his will could have organized the penin- 
sula into a state. But the time was not ripe for an Italian 
state. The age had hardly passed yet in which the im- 
perial ideal was unquestioned; the age of national con- 
sciousness, later to create a new map of Europe, had 
hardly begun. The state was still the prince, the empire 
the emperor. Three centuries more were to elapse before 
men in the mass began to be united in common aspira- 
tion for national independence. 

When the new movement began, the French revolu- 
tion was at the same time its effect and cause. Accom- 
plished by a great wave of popular indignation against 
the presumption of aristocratic government, maintained 
at first by resistance to and then by aggression against 
the enemies who sought the annihilation of its purpose, 
the French revolution spread through Europe the ideas 
which made the nineteenth century the most significant 
in the history of the western races. Whatever its fail- 
ures, its great achievement was to discredit the past, 
and to clear the way. 

With the opening of the century, the spirit of change 
which affected the life of all Kurope elsewhere touched 
Italy also as with a flame. The times were filled with 
significant events,—the Italian campaign of Napoleon 
in 1796, the formation of the Cisalpine republic, the in- 
vasion of the Legations and the seizure of Bologna and 
the Romagna in 1797, the Roman republic of 1798, with 
the overthrow of the papacy, and the captivity, exile, 
and death of Pius the Sixth, the incorporation of the 
papal dominions into the French empire in 1804, the 


THE RISK OF MODERN ITALY 5138 


transformation of the Cisalpine republic into the king- 
dom of Italy in 1805, the declaration of the end of the 
temporal power in 1809 and the captivity of Pius the 
Seventh, and the subjection of Italy to the will of the 
militant champion of human rights. All these were acts 
of violence which roused both enthusiasms and hatreds, 
but their great effect over and above this was the quick- 
ening of thought and feeling throughout the peninsula. 
It mattered little that at the downfall of Napoleon the 
congress of Vienna reéstablished as far as possible the 
status of Europe before the war, and that Italy espe- 
cially, divided into Piedmont and Savoy under Victor 
Emmanuel the First, Lombardy and Venetia under 
Francis of Austria, Modena and Reggio under the 
Austrian archduke Francis of Este, Parma and Pia- 
cenza under Maria Louisa, daughter of the emperor of 
Austria and wife of Napoleon, Lucca under Maria 
Louisa of Spain, Tuscany under the archduke Ferdi- 
nand of Austria, Naples and Sicily under Ferdinand 
the Fourth, and the papal states, was again in the 
usual condition of dismemberment. If there was not 
outward and visible union, there was an inner union 
one day to bring it about. The Italians had caught 
glimpses of the possibility of unification, progressive 
ideas had followed in the wake of the F'rench army and 
the French régime, and dead matter had been gal- 
vanized into life. Henceforth Italy was in a ferment 
which increased yearly and hourly until she developed 
the ideal and realized the rights of a national life. The 
story of Italy’s rise is one of the most stirring in the 
annals of the struggle of mankind for liberty. 

To fix a date on which the movement for the libera- 
tion of Italy was begun would hardly be more possible 


514 ETERNAL ROME 


than to name the person who first conceived it as an 
ideal to be aspired to. The rise of the secret society of the 
Carbonari, who first became distinctly influential in 
1808, was not far from the active beginning of the strug- 
gle. By his treatment of the two Piuses and his creation, 
if only for the moment, of a united Italy, Napoleon had 
shown both that the papacy was not divinely immune 
and that an Italy was possible. Alfieri had lived and died 
protesting against his country’s tyrants, and Foscolo 
was giving noble utterance to the aspiration for liberty. 
Of the three hundred and sixty thousand Italian soldiers 
who campaigned in Napoleon’s armies between 1796 
and 1814, enough had already mingled thoughts one 
with another and with the outside world to diminish 
provincialism and to encourage the national idea. The 
spirit of discontent with a dismembered and shackled 
Italy, already active under the tyrannous régime of the 
Revolution in the peninsula, needed only the change 
from this tyranny to that of the returned reactionary 
despots in 1815 to convert it into the consuming zeal 
of martyrdom. 

The Carbonari movement spread like fire before the 
wind. Other societies of like import sprang into being. 
There were the American Hunters at Ravenna, of which 
Byron was a member, the Savages of the university of 
Padua, the Sons of Mars in the Romagna, and more. 
An unsuccessful attempt at revolution in Macerata and 
Bologna took place in 1817. In 1820, following on the 
Spanish constitution forced by Riego, occurred the first 
of the explosions that from now on mark the progress 
of Italy toward freedom and unity. Tumultuous up- 
risings took place in Naples and Palermo, and a con- 
stitution was wrung from Ferdinand. In March, 1821, 


THE RISE OF MODERN ITALY | 515 


a rising in Piedmont caused the abdication of Victor 
Emmanuel the First, and the willing young Charles 
Albert granted a constitution on the model of the 
Spanish. It was immediately disavowed by Charles 
Felix, who degraded the prince and routed the constitu- 
tionalists not long after the Austrians had defeated 
Guglielmo Pepe and the reformers of Naples and re- 
instated Ferdinand. For nearly ten years the patriotic 
movement was without visible manifestation, and abso- 
lutism seemed firmly restored. 

Meanwhile, however, Leopardi had inspired a burn- 
ing sense of shame in the hearts of his countrymen, 
Manzoni had made them feel the need of moral regen- 
eration as the great condition of patriotism, and Pellico 
was soon to rouse them to furious anger by the recital 
of his wrongs and those of his compatriots in the prisons 
of Austria. Repression and violence served only to in- 
tensify the heat of the flame. Rebellion against despot- 
ism, whether that of the Austrian, the Piedmontese, or 
the holy seat at Rome, became a passion that amounted 
to religion. What the ancient Christian had suffered 
for the Christian commonwealth, the Italian patriot 
now suffered for the cause of freedom. 

The hatred in the provinces under Austrian dominion 
was twofold; there was the hatred of tyranny, and the 
hatred of the foreigner. The desire of the patriot was 
above all to drive the stranger from the throne and from 
the land. Beyond that, he hardly reasoned, farther than 
_ to take for granted that the blessings of liberty would 
follow of themselves, and all be well with Italy. It was. 
a process of years before the blind passion for freedom 
was purified and refined and sanctified into the reasoned 
and unswerving purpose of national unification. 


516 ETERNAL ROME 


In July, 1830, the success of the Paris revolution in- 
spired fresh hope in Italy. In 1831, the repressed ener- 
gies of Italian patriotism burst their bounds a second 
time. Tumults in Palermo, the arrest of Menotti in 
Modena, and the uprisings in the papal states,—at Bo- 
logna, Imola, F'aenza, and elsewhere,—which at every 
turn confronted the newly crowned Gregory the Six- 
teenth, caused all Italy to glow with patriotic feeling. 
It was during this year that Young Italy was organized, 
the creation of Mazzini, and from now on there were 
few years not marked by some venture for liberty. It 
was only through Austrian intervention that Gregory 
was able to retain authority over the papal dominions. 
In February, 1832, not to yield first place in the defence 
of the Church to Austria, France occupied the port of 
Ancona, where, from 1832 to 1888, she retained the 
office of protector while Austria assumed a similar duty 
in the provinces known as the Legations because of their 
administration by papal legates. 

Meanwhile Mazzini continued to plot. Garibaldi, who 
had met him at Marseilles, had been exiled after the 
attempt upon Piedmont in 1834, and, with heart in 
Italy, was fighting the battles of freedom in South 
America. In 1841, there were one hundred and fifty 
arrests in Aquila. In 1842, a movement to revolt in the 
papal states and Naples resulted in nothing, but the 
spirit that roused it lost nothing of its power. The 
Italian Legion sprang into being as a parallel to Young 
Italy. In 1843, a hundred suspects were arrested in the 
province of Salerno. Gioberti’s Moral and Civil Primacy 
of the Italian People was published, to be followed in 
1844 by Cesare Balbo’s Hopes of Italy, and together 
with Balbo’s book to take the place of a throttled press 


THE RISE OF MODERN ITALY 517 


as the means of spreading the patriotic idea. In the same 
year, the arrest of conspirators in Calabria, and the 
shooting of the brothers Bandiera, aroused feeling more 
intense than ever. In 1845, a revolt in Rimini brought 
various places in the papal states under martial law. 

In 1848 and 1849 occurred the third of the great ex- 
plosions, more violent than its predecessors. Partly 
owing to the universal spirit of revolution in Europe, 
partly to the culmination of local feeling, encouraged 
by the liberalism of Pius the Ninth, and partly owing to 
the example of France, risings took place throughout 
the peninsula. On New Year’s day, and on February 
8 and 10, there were movements at Rome whose sup- 
pression necessitated the use of arms. In March, Charles 
Albert granted the famous constitution in Piedmont. 
The pope in his turn proclaimed a constitution at Rome. 
The famous Five Days in March at Milan were fol- 
lowed by the five months’ campaign of Charles Albert 
which ended in his defeat and the reéstablishment of 
Austrian power. The republic of Venice was declared. 
The pope revealed himself as opposed to the war, and 
in November was finally compelled to leave his capital. 
In 1849, the army of Charles Albert was again driven 
back. The Roman republic was proclaimed, to be termi- 
nated after a brief existence by the expedition from 
France under Oudinot. The soldiers of Catholic Kurope 
restored the papal sway, and Venice fell once more 
under Austrian rule. 

Meanwhile Cavour was becoming a power. His influ- 
ence increased the prestige of Piedmont, intensified the 
idea of nationality, and widened the breach between the 
ecclesiastical state and Piedmont, now the recognized 
champion of the Italian state. The Siccardi laws in 1850 


518 ETERNAL ROME 


abolished ecclesiastical courts and immunities, dimin- 
ished useless holidays, and suppressed the giving of 
legacy without the consent of the state. In April, Pius 
the Ninth returned, and the reactionary cardinal An- 
tonelli became his prime minister. In 1851, the sensa- 
tional letters of Gladstone, revealing the horrors of 
Neapolitan rule, were published. Absolutists in Italy 
took fresh courage at the news of Louis Napoleon’s 
extinction of the French republic. In 1852, the Mantuan 
conspirators whose arrest, trial, and torture had occu- 
pied two years, were condemned and executed. The bill 
for Civil Marriage, argued with intense heat by the 
nationalists and furiously opposed by clericals, was with- 
drawn. In 1853, an attempt at revolution in Rome was 
thwarted. In 1854 and 1855, Piedmont won the good 
will of the Powers by participation in the Crimean war. 
The Rattazzi bill was passed, abolishing three hundred 
and thirty-four religious houses involving five thousand 
five hundred and six monks and nuns, but leaving still 
untouched two hundred and seventy-four houses belong- 
ing to twenty-one orders and involving four thousand 
and fifty persons. In 1858, the gradual increase of 
cordiality between Napoleon and Cavour, grounded in 
general good will toward Italy, culminated in the under- 
standing of Plombieres. “Have confidence in me, as I 
have confidence in you,” the emperor said as they parted. 

In 1859 and 1860 occurred the fourth outburst. ‘The 
seven weeks’ campaign of Piedmont and France against 
Austria, with its victories of Montebello, Palestro, Ma- 
genta, Melegnano, and Solferino, accompanied by ris- 
ing’s in the papal cities and active sympathy everywhere, 
was concluded by the sudden peace of Villafranca, the 
cession of Lombardy, the disappointing retention of 


THE RISE OF MODERN ITALY 519 


Venetia, and the speechless indignation of the friends of 
Italy at the to them at the time incomprehensible act 
of Napoleon, who foresaw Prussian interference, in 
treating at the moment when their utmost hopes were 
seemingly assured. 

But the march of freedom was not halted. By the 
plebiscite of March 11 and 12, 1860, Tuscany and the 
Emilia united themselves to Piedmont. The distrust of 
those who suspected selfish motives in Piedmont, the un- 
willingness of Piedmontese statesmen to risk the provo- 
cation of France by declaring a united Italy to be their 
ultimate purpose, now vanished entirely. On the sixth of 
May, the Thousand embarked for Sicily, and by Oc- 
tober 9 the revolution of Sicily and Naples was accom-. 
plished, and Garibaldi at the Volturno saluted Victor 
Emmanuel the Second, whose army had invaded and 
annexed the papal states up to Rome and the immediate 
patrimony, as king of Italy. In 1861, the first Italian 
parliament met at Turin. 

There still remained outside the national communion 
the province of Venetia, the Trieste region, the Tren- 
tino, and the city of Rome and its environs. The Vene- 
tian question was settled in 1866, when Italy as the ally 
of Prussia in the swift defeat of Austria received Vene- 
tia as her reward. The Roman question was less easy of 
solution. Garibaldi’s expedition, ending with his wound 
and arrest at Aspromonte in 1862, was but one sign of 
the inevitable result. The pope’s encyclical of 1864, 
maintaining rigidly every ecclesiastical claim to sover- 
eignty over the papal state, was a contrary sign of the 
same result. The Catholic party was influential with 
Napoleon, who would not consent to farther reduction 
of the papal sovereignty; by the convention of 1864, the 


520 ETERNAL ROME 


Italian government was to protect the papal frontier, 
to allow the papal state a reasonable army, and to re- 
move the capital to Florence, while France in two years 
was to recall her soldiers. 

But the establishment of the capital at Florence did 
not realize the emperor’s plan of insuring Rome against 
farther encroachment. In 1867, the second attempt of 
Garibaldi against the papal capital, ending with the 
failure at Mentana, preceded by the death of the 
brothers Cairoli at Villa Glori, was a failure which only 
manifested a determination that would not accept de- 
feat. 

The dogma of Infallibility, in July, 1870, was the 
discharge of a last vain weapon. When in August, 1870, 
the French troops sailed from Civitavecchia to the aid 
of Napoleon, soon at Sedan to bid farewell to all his 
greatness, the last material defence of the papal state 
was removed. The breach in the wall of Aurelian at the 
Porta Pia on the twentieth of September, and the 
plebiscite of October 2, made Rome the capital of the 
United Kingdom of Italy and Sicily. On December 5 
there took place at Florence the first parliament of 
Italy entire, and on the second of July, 1871, occurred 
the formal transfer of the capital to Rome, marked by 
Victor Emmanuel’s occupation of the Quirinal, the 
establishment of the chamber of deputies in the Palazzo 
Chigi, in the Piazza di Montecitorio, and of the senate 
in the Madama. The pope, refusing to recognize the law 
of Guarantees, except in so far as its provisions con- 
firmed him in the possession of the Vatican and its 
grounds, declared himself a prisoner, and adopted the 
policy of ignoring the Italian state. 





THE CAIROLI TREE AT VILLA GLORI 


° 
’ 


1867 


N 


S DEATH I 
CESARE PASCARELLA CELEBRATES THE CAIROLI ADVENTURE 


’ 


THE SCENE OF ENRICO CAIROLI 


O POEM VILLA GLORI 


C 


IN HIS ROMANES 





—— = a 








2. 


THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 
AND ROME 


HUS had Italy arisen to take her place among the 

free nations of Europe. Trieste and Trent alone, 
with their adjacent territories reaching up to where 
nature herself has drawn the boundary line along the 
mountain ridges, were left to be redeemed at a future 
day. Eternal Rome had again become the capital of a 
united and willing people. 

What was the part played by Rome the city in this 
drama of nearly a hundred years? 

It can hardly be said that nineteenth century Rome 
pursued the ideal of Italian freedom and unity with the 
same intensity of passion and the same singleness of 
purpose as many a sister city. Before she is charged with 
indifference or neglect, however, account should be 
taken of certain special circumstances. 

In the first place, Rome was already in her own right 
the capital of an Italian state in which the ruler, what- 
ever his abuse of power, was always Italian, and always 
the venerated head of a state whose limits far tran- 
scended the bounds of the papal provinces, and of Ku- 
rope itself. To desire the expulsion of such a ruler, or 
to consent to his forced, or even voluntary, withdrawal, 
was for a long time far from the thought of all but a 
few extremists. The Rome of modern times without the 
popes would have gone far toward becoming a desert, 
as the Rome of the Dark Ages, without the accident of 
their lodgment in her, would have remained a desert. 


522 ETERNAL ROME 


What those who came to be disaffected wished was never 
the absence of the pope, but his renunciation of the 
temporal power in favor of the Italian state. 

In the second place, not even in the wish for this re- 
nunciation was there a perfect unanimity. There never 
ceased to be a party, nor has it yet disappeared, which 
believed not only in the Church but in the papal claim 
to sovereignty over Rome and the ecclesiastical state. 
There were those who believed in it sincerely on dog- 
matic and historic grounds, and there were those who 
believed in it on practical grounds. Both were convinced 
that the good of religion required that the Church at 
Rome should be apparelled in the splendors of a court 
and that her heads should move with the monarchs of 
Europe. 

There were those who stood for the papal right for 
reasons less ideal. There were the more thoughtful who 
would have considered it a misfortune for the city to 
lose the social and material benefits of papal munifi- 
cence; there was the populace who enjoyed the spec- 
tacles and profited by the bounties of the Church as 
bestowed in the form of employment, charity, or lar- 
gess; and there was the bureaucratic class, a multitude 
of dignitaries and petty office-holders, clerical and secu- 
lar, in city and province, with the army of those who 
directly or indirectly depended upon their will, and 
whose unanimous desire was the preservation of things 
as they were. 

And there was still another force besides sincere con- 
viction and material self-interest to retard the rise of 
nationalism in Rome. There was also a spiritual self-in- 
terest. Its disappearance required education and time. 
The natural deference to worldly authority was rein- 


THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 523 


forced by the dread of disapproval by pope and Church. 
Not even the most enlightened and independent found 
pleasure in the prospect of running counter to the power 
that had their souls in keeping and by the pronounce- 
ment of solemn words could open a gulf between them- 
selves and the great communion. The ignorant and 
superstitious, who lacked the support of reason, would 
hardly risk the damnation kept before their minds by 
a clergy who could be astute when not sincere. The 
yellow badge of excommunication, worn pinned on the 
hat, with all the distress of mind and body it brought to 
those thus set apart from the fellowship of heaven and 
earth, was still in vogue as late as the coming of the 
French, who hastened its disappearance. ‘The Roman- 
esco poet Belli, whose sonnets up to 1847 are filled with 
satire on the papal government, became in later days 
the prey to spiritual fears and knew no limit in his 
penitence. 

In a word, Rome was still papal Rome, still governed 
by a power which, if it could have separated distinctly 
between purely spiritual and purely civic authority, 
would have found it on many occasions inconvenient to 
do so. It was in this respect not unlike other cities of 
the papal dominions except in degree; but the degree 
was great. It was very much unlike cities like Bologna, 
beyond the Apennines, or Milan and Venice, outside the 
papal state, where the immediate and sweeping expul- 
sion of the stranger and the establishment of Italian 
sovereignty were remedies opposed by none but the 
timid and the time-serving few. 

It is customary to think of the patriotic movement as 
being obstructed by two powers: one, the despotism of 
Austria, Naples, and the petty Italian states, and the 


524 ETERNAL ROME 


other, the papal state. These two forces, however, were 
not wholly distinct one from the other. They were in 
reality homogeneous. The papacy was an obstruction, 
not in its character as a religious entity, but because it 
was an absolutism precisely like other despotisms of 
Italy. Pius the Seventh, reverting to repressive methods, 
Leo the Twelfth, fiercely reactionary, Pius the Eighth, 
fulminating against secret societies, Gregory the Six- 
teenth and Pius the Ninth, ruling by the aid of foreign 
bayonets, and all of them resorting to imprisonment and 
exile as remedies for disaffection, are to be classed, in 
so far as their contact with the nationalists is concerned, 
not as heads of the Church, but as despotical monarchs. 
The nationalists did not forsake the religion of their 
fathers nor disbelieve in the Church’s authority so far 
as It was exercised over the conscience; it was against 
the pope as a political obstacle that their opposition was 
directed. If their acts at times took on the color of hos- 
tility to the holy seat, it was because the pope’s misuse 
of religion as a weapon of political coercion provoked 
rebellion. It was the double character of the papal re- 
sistance that made the popes the enemies of Italian free- 
dom separate from other despots. 

Such considerations as these will make clear why 
Rome in general from the beginning of the French revo- 
lution to the rise of Piedmont as the declared champion 
of Italian statehood in 1848 retained a conservative 
character. Her manifestations of impatience were nei- 
ther frequent nor pronounced, and were more often the 
result of local dissatisfactions than of patriotic purpose. 
It was not until the middle of the nineteenth century 
that she had become educated to the high conception 
that animated the great souls of Italy. 





ge a 


a 


THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 525 


The outbreak of the French revolution and the proc- 
lamation of the republic resulted in the immediate sus- 
pension of diplomatic relations between France and 
Rome. A French banker resident in the city, however, 
and performing the duties of consul, hoisted over his 
habitation the arms of the new state. Opposed in this 
act by the cardinal secretary of state of Pius the Sixth, 
he was supported by the F’rench minister at Naples, who 
in the name of the republic ordered the raising of the 
insignia again within twenty-four hours. To make sure 
of the execution of the order, and to cultivate such sym- 
pathizers with France as might be at Rome, he des- 
patched to the city Hugo Basseville, secretary of the 
French legation, and with him a naval officer. On the 
thirteenth of January, 1793, the display of the insignia 
at his order over the door of the Palazzo Salviati, then 
the seat of the French Academy, raised so fierce a storm 
of anger that Basseville, driving down the Corso with 
his wife and son and several compatriots, all wearing the 
cockade, which he had caused widely to be distributed, 
was stoned the length of the street, and finally, after 
the infuriation of the mob by the discharge of a pistol in 
the hands of one of the party, was killed on the steps of 
his residence for the time, the Palazzo Palombara, in the 
Via dell’ Impresa. The event caused a frenzy of joy. A 
chorus of poets great and small celebrated it in sonnets, 
and the populace after its own manner of expression. 

To the Roman of 1798, every Frenchman was the 
enemy of Rome, of the pope, and of God. “Holy 
Father,” runs one of the versified utterances of the 
time, which represents the savage spirit of them all, 
“give us leave to kill the Frenchmen every one; and then 
grant us indulgence, and we will go into their country 


526 ETERNAL ROME 


and annihilate the breed. So will thrones remain un- 
disturbed.” Two stornelli are no less bloodthirsty: 


Me so’ fatto un cortello genovese, 
Che ce sbucio le porte delle case; 
Figurete una pancia de francese,— 


I’ve made me a Genoese knife 
That I could rip open a house-door with; 
Say nothing of a Frenchman’s belly! 


Fiore de rapa: 
Magna V’ alio, francese, schiatta, crepa, 
Ma qui se more pe’ difenne er Papa,— 


Flower of the turnip: 
Eat your garlic, Frenchman, split, burst, 
But here we defend the Pope to the death! 


The murderers of Basseville went unpunished; but 
the killing of General Duphot, attendant on Joseph 
Bonaparte, ambassador of the republic, in a riot before 
the official quarters in the Palazzo Corsini on December 
28, 1797, did not find the way of revenge so difficult. 
The Directorate immediately ordered Napoleon to oc- 
cupy Rome, which General Berthier’s army found no 
difficulty in doing on February 18, 1798, having first 
allowed three hundred Romans to declare their freedom 
from the papacy in the Campo Vaccino, as the Forum 
was still called, and to invite him in. The Roman repub- 
lic was proclaimed, and Pius the Sixth was given forty- 
eight hours to make ready for departure from the Quiri- 
nal and the city. “You can die in any place,” was the 
answer to the dignified eighty-years-old pope’s prayer 
to be allowed to end his days in Rome. 

The republic received some support from patricians 





THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 527 


and middle class, but was met by the fiercest opposition 
on the part of the lower order. On the twenty-fifth, five 
days after the venerable and infirm pontiff had left the 
city by the Porta Angelica for Valence and captivity, 
the people rose against Berthier, rushed from the Tras- 
tevere across the Ponte Sisto to the Piazza Navona, the 
Piazza di Spagna, and other centers, killed a number 
of French sympathizers, and then, having turned incon- 
sequentially, after the manner of mobs in Rome, to sack 
the Ghetto, were scattered by the soldiery. Two hundred 
prisoners were taken and tried, and twenty-two were 
convicted and shot. 

The levies of the French in 1797, together with their 
character as revolutionists and enemies of the Church, 
had been the cause of the riots that ended in Duphot’s 
death. They had taken within four months over thirty- 
two million frances, and the art treasures confiscated by 
them required a million francs for transportation. The 
plundering and extortion continued in 1798. Private 
citizens were the objects of special assessment; the 
princes Borghese and Piombino were obliged each to 
pay one hundred and thirty thousand scudi, the princes 
Colonna and Doria eighty thousand each. 

Pasquino and Marforio were not unobservant. On a 
festal day when two statues were seen, a larger one 
representing the French republic and inscribed Magne 
Matri, 'To the Great Mother, and a smaller one repre- 
senting the Roman republic and inscribed Filia Grata, — 
Her Grateful Daughter, Marforio, who had small 
Latin, demanded: “Pasquino, what does it say?” “Sim- 
ple enough,’ answered Pasquino, in his native Ro- 
manesco; “la madre magna, e la figlia,—si gratta: the 
mother eats, and the daughter—scratches!’’ Another 


528 ETERNAL ROME 


day Marforio greets his friend with, “Pasquino, é vero 
che ifrancesi sono tutti ladriPasquino, is it true that 
the French are all robbers?” “Tutti no,” replies Pas- 
quino, “ma buona parte——not all, but a good part 
(Bonaparte) .” 

Pius the Sixth died at Valence on the Rhone the 
twenty-ninth of August, 1799. The part played by Pius 
the Seventh was hardly so dignified. After the concordat 
with Napoleon in 1801, by which four hundred million 
francs’ worth of church property was given over, the 
pope was persuaded on December 2, 1804, to crown his 
tyrant emperor at Paris. Pasquino, somewhat less than 
charitable to the unfortunate pope, who acted in honest 
effort to make the emperor a friend of religion and the 
Church, contrasted him with his predecessor in a sting- 
ing epigram: 


Pio Sesto, per conservar la fede, 
Perdeé la sede; 

Pio Settumo, per conservar la sede, 
Perdé la fede,— 


Pius the Sixth, his faith not to forsake, 
Gave up his throne; 

Pius the Seventh, his throne more sure to make, 
Gave up his faith. 


Yet, whether we call the pope’s action subservience 
to the imperial greatness, or dignify it as diplomatic 
wisdom, it did not suffice to protect the holy seat. The 
papal state was made part of the French empire and of 
the kingdom of Italy; and in 1808, having dared in a 
last desperate act of defiance to excommunicate the 
spoilers of the Church, the pope on July 5 was taken 
by force from the Quirinal palace and conducted to 








THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 529 


France over the same route as that traversed by his 
predecessor, to find himself at last an exile in the cha- 
teau at Fontainebleau. In 1809, the temporal power 
was declared at an end. 

The return of Pius the Seventh on May 24, 1814, 
marked the sudden termination at Rome of the revolu- 
tionary period with its uncertainties and disorders, and 
the equally sudden coming of reaction. The excesses of 
the French and the revolutionary partisans, and espe- 
cially the wrongs and absence of the pope, had prepared 
the city for the return of absolutism in exaggerated 
form. ‘True to its character as an eternal city and the 
capital of the Church, it had not allowed itself to be- 
come unduly excited by the later eighteenth century 
movements in letters and philosophy. A few of its in- 
tellectuals had considered the new ideas curiously, con- 
templatively, and academically, but the city had never 
been really touched by them. The Inquisition and the 
Index, suspended under Clement the Fourteenth, were 
again set in motion, though the Inquisition never with 
its old-time violence, and the Jesuit order was reinstated. 
The arbitrary and repressive measures of Pius the 
Seventh, who in other circumstances would have been a 
ruler of much more liberal spirit, were increased in 
number and aggravated in character by his successors, 
Leo the Twelfth, Pius the Eighth, and Gregory the Six- 
teenth, to such an extent that from almost unanimous 
support of the popes against not only the French but 
every liberal tendency, the population of Rome and the 
papal states gradually passed to the spirit of rebellion 
against the exercise of civil authority by the holy seat, 
and became enthusiastic for independence. The charac- 
ter of the popes and their government is indicated, if 


530 ETERNAL ROME 


by nothing else, by the fact that the common people of 
Rome and the rank and file of the provincials, who were 
their most fanatical defenders while the French were in 
power, soon after the reaction came to be the source of 
movements against them. One of the most wicked of 
the pasquinades went the rounds after the death of Leo 

the Twelfth by an operation: | 


Al chirurgo s’ appone 

La morte di Leone; 

Roma pero sostiene 

Che eglt ha operato bene,— 


The death of Pope Leo 

People lay to the doctor; 

But a different result 

Rome says would have shocked her. 


When Gregory the Sixteenth came to the throne, the 
papal states were ablaze with sedition and overt rebel- 
lion, and the period of forty years had begun during 
which the throne was kept from falling only by the sup- 
port of foreign diplomacy and foreign soldiery. The 
Carbonari and Young Italy and the Italian Legion 
now found Rome as well as places remoter from the 
holy seat a good recruiting-ground. The names of 
Mazzini and Garibaldi began to employ Roman lips 
also. 

The immense relief of the Romans at the death of 
Gregory the Sixteenth in 1846 was followed by the 
boundless popularity of Pius the Ninth. The govern- 
ment was actively reformed in the direction of liberalism, 
and for two years its head was the idol of Rome and the 
hope of Italian patriots. These were the days when the 
genial Angelo Brunetti, called Ciceruacchio, was ‘“‘the 





THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 531 


Pope’s Angel,” and gathered the common people about 
the carriage of the handsome and benign pontiff to form 
his escort while they shouted enthusiastic vivas. Nor 
were the aristocracy behind in their support; all classes 
vied with each other in the demonstration of loyalty. 

Both pope and people, however, were soon to be dis- 
illusioned. The people were unanimously loyal only so 
long as they believed in the pope’s friendliness toward 
liberalism and the movement for the rescue of Italy 
from the Austrian. The methods of Gregory the Six- 
teenth and his Teutonic patrons, which provoked the 
memorandum of the Powers in 1831, had by this time 
kindled a spirit not to be quenched. Even before the 
granting of the Tuscan constitution or the news of the 
French revolution of 1848, the Romans had helped to 
initiate the series of risings which were to occupy the 
next two years. On New Year’s day, while the Milanese 
were inaugurating their famous non-smoking campaign, 
their brethren in Rome engaged in demonstrations 
which had to be suppressed by the papal troops. Other 
disturbances on February 8 and 10 were quieted by the 
promise of an increase in the proportion of lay ministers. 
On March 14, ten days after the constitution of Charles 
Albert in Piedmont, Pius the Ninth felt obliged to pro- 
mulgate the Roman constitution. Four days after this, 
the fury of Milan burst its bounds, and Austria sud- 
denly found herself driven from Lombardy and Venice. 
However great the enthusiasm of the Romans for Pius 
the Ninth, their enthusiasm for the Italian cause rose 
far above it. Angelo Brunetti was its symbol in the 
flesh, and headed the popular demonstrations. Twelve 
thousand volunteers soon left Rome for the front. 

But in the midst of the Italian army’s successful 


582 ETERNAL ROME 


sweep across Lombardy came the startling news of the 
pope’s allocution, in which for the first time he made it 
clear that the liberal program was not suited to the in- 
terests of the papacy: he could not allow himself to be 
partner in the humiliation of Austria, the friend of the 
Church. The immediate resignation of his ministry, 
with a two days’ threat of revolution in Rome, showed 
unmistakably the length to which the patriotic move- 
ment had gone, and made clear the relative strength of 
the temporal power and the nationalist cause. 

The Romans had never suffered greater disappoint- 
ment. In vain did the pope create a new ministry on the 
fourth of May, with the liberal Mamiani at its head. 
From April 29, the date of the allocution, began the 
swift descent of the temporal power; on that date for 
the first time the temporal subjects of the pope were in 
a majority for Italy and against the temporal claim. 

The disastrous end of the Italian campaign at Cus- 
tozza on July 21 did not improve the temper of Roman 
patriots. The pope attempted to strengthen his position 
by the appointment on September 16 of Pellegrino 
Rossi as prime minister; but the combination of popular 
ill humor and ministerial firmness provoked the murder 
of the able diplomat on November 15 on the steps of 
the Cancelleria. By the twenty-fifth of November, con- 
ditions were so ominous that the pope took to flight and 
sought refuge as the guest of King Ferdinand at Gaeta. 

On December 29, the triumvirate into whose hands 
the guidance of Rome had been placed soon after the 
flight of Pius the Ninth announced a constituent assem- 
bly for February 5. On February 9, the one hundred 
and forty-four members of this assembly who had been 
elected on January 21 proclaimed from the Capitol the 








THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 533 


Roman republic. At first under the triumvirs, Mazzini, 
Armellini, and Saffi, later under two consuls, twelve 
tribunes, and assembly, the object of papal enmity and 
the outraged feeling of Catholics abroad, and from the 
beginning doomed to failure, the Roman republic of 
1849 in its five months’ existence was nevertheless one 
of the most inspiring episodes in the life of Eternal 
Rome. 

On March 23, when the republic was six weeks old, 
the brief and inglorious campaign of Charles Albert 
had already come to an end with Novara and the abdi- 
cation of the king. On April 6, the French expedition to 
reinstate the pope was determined on, and on the twen- 
tieth it sailed, the day on which Pius the Ninth removed 
any remaining vestige of doubt by disowning every 
liberal act. The republicans of Rome, however, were 
not shaken in their determination. Mazzini had reached 
the city soon after the republic was proclaimed. Gari- 
baldi, who had left his command in the northern part 
of the states of the Church in December for a flying 
visit to Rome, and had gone again in I’ebruary as mem- 
ber of the assembly from Macerata, rode into the city a 
last time on April 27 with his Italian legion, thirteen 
hundred intelligent, enthusiastic, adventure-loving spir- 
its, largely from the commercial and artisan classes, who 
were ready for anything in the cause of reform. 

“He has come!” the cry travelled down the Corso as 
they rode to quarters in San Silvestro. The Eternal City 
had never seen such troopers. They were sunburned, 
dusty, shaggy, and gaunt, with conical hats and black, 
waving plumes, and their leader on his white horse in 
the midst of them was a wonderful figure. Among the 
legionaries were forty-two lancers under Angelo Ma- 


534 ETERNAL ROME 


sina, the wealthy young Bolognese who had forsaken a 
life of ease and pleasure to devote his all to the struggle 
for Italian freedom. On the twenty-ninth came the gal- 
lant young Milanese noble, Luciano Manara, with his 
troop of six hundred Lombard bersaglieri. The de- 
fenders of the Roman republic numbered in all some 
nine thousand men. 

On the thirtieth of April, the army of Oudinot ad- 
vanced from Civitavecchia to the western corner of the 
Leonine city walls. Surprised to find no longer in exist- 
ence the Porta Pertusa, which in the event of need they 
had intended to force, surprised also at being received 
with cannon-shots from the Romans, who were expected 
to be neither numerous nor courageous enough to offer 
actual resistance, the French columns proceeded east- 
ward along the walls to the Porta Cavalleggieri, where, 
again meeting opposition, they turned about and made 
the circuit of the Leonine fortification to the Porta An- 
gelica on the north, equally to no purpose. 

Meanwhile Garibaldi, at the Porta San Pancrazio, 
ordered out of the Villa Pamfili a body of youthful 
defenders stationed there and despatched them toward 
the Leonine city to take the enemy on the flank. As they 
left the villa and were crossing the deep Via Aurelia 
Antica, they were surprised by a French column which 
had been detached by Oudinot, in passing, for the very 
purpose of cutting off any such movement. The spirited 
fight that followed left the Romans finally in possession 
of the Pamfili and its surroundings, which, by reason of 
their elevation, dominated the Porta San Pancrazio and 
the neighboring bastions in the wall of Urban the 
Eighth, and were necessary to the holding of the Janicu- 
lum, there at its highest point. It also left the French 





THE GARIBALDI MONUMENT IN ROME 


IT OVERLOOKS THE CITY FROM THE JANICULUM 
NEAR THE GARIBALDI HEADQUARTERS OF 1849 


‘ 


oe 


ad ih 


=e 





THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 535 


commander convinced that for the present he was not 
strong enough to enter the city. Withdrawing on the 
road to Civitavecchia, for the next four weeks he saw 
to the reinforcement of his army, securing time for the 
safe prosecution of this purpose by conspiring with his 
government to send the innocent young Ferdinand de 
Lesseps to treat with the Romans on conditions sure to 
be refused. Garibaldi spent the month in confounding 
the Neapolitan armies at Palestrina and Velletri. 

At three o’clock on the morning of June 3, while the 
Romans were resting secure in the understanding that 
Oudinot had promised not to attack before the fourth, 
the French blew in the roadside wall near the chapel of 
San Pancrazio, penetrated the extensive grounds of the 
Villa Pamfili and the Villa Corsini, and drove the Ro- 
mans out. Garibaldi and his men, quartered in and near 
the convent of San Silvestro, now the post office of 
Rome, were roused by messengers. The chief rushed his 
men to the piazza of Saint Peter’s, and thence by the 
Via di San Pancrazio, just north of the Acqua Paola 
and San Pietro in Montorio, to the scene of action, while 
the bells of all the city rang the alarm. Manara and the 
bersaglieri, through misunderstanding, were held in the 
Roman Forum, and did not arrive until eight. 

From dawn until dark of the memorable day, Gari- 
baldi from just outside the Porta San Pancrazio di- 
rected the fight, calling for additional men as he needed 
them from the troopers assembled and awaiting orders 
in the vacant fields inside the gate where now stands the 
American Academy. The Villa Corsini, at the head of 
the slope two-thirds of a mile from the gate, and ap- 
proachable only through the long and narrow pass 
formed by the high walls of the road, continued by the 


536 ETERNAL ROME 


avenue that led to its broad flights of stairs, was the sole 
objective of the Garibaldian attack. Again and again 
the troopers took the word from their commander at 
the gate and dashed down the road and up the avenue 
under the murderous fire, leaving the way lined and 
the villa terraces and stairs covered with their dead. 
Again and again the French, well sheltered and with 
abundant reserves, repulsed them, or at most yielded 
a momentary possession until reinforced from the Pam- 
fili behind them. Angelo Masina fell early in the day, 
and his body lay under fire on the steps of the Corsini 
for that and the succeeding days. With him fell Enrico 
Dandolo, one of Luciano Manara’s captains, the elder 
of two spirited and lovable brothers of twenty-one and 
nineteen, and Daverio, Garibaldi’s chief of staff. Nino 
Bixio, later of the Thousand, was wounded. In the last 
furious charge, at dusk, when the Corsini and the chapel 
of San Pancrazio were once more taken but found im- 
possible to hold, the beloved Goffredo Mameli, then 
twenty-one years old, and at nineteen the author of 
Fratelli d@ Italia, received the wound that one month 
later caused his death. The desperate day ended at last 
with the French in sure possession of the Pamfili and the 
Corsini, and the Garibaldians and Manara in the Vas- 
cello, just at the villa entrance. 

From the fourth of June until the second of July, 
Rome was in a state of siege. The Garibaldians held the 
Vascello and the Casa Giacometti, now Scarpone’s, both 
across the road from the Corsini and less than a fourth 
of a mile apart, and the lofty Villa Savorelli, just inside 
the Porta San Pancrazio where now stands the Villa 
Aurelia, built into and almost entirely composed of its 
scarred remains, besides the bastions of Urban’s wall to 


THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 537 


the south of the gate. There could be only one conclu- 
sion to the matter, and there was none who did not know 
it well; yet the divine instinct of patriotism kept the 
defenders of one mind until the very end, and in defeat 
made perfect an example which was of greater effect 
than many victories. The Giacometti, the Vascello, and 
Garibaldi’s headquarters in the Savorelli were slowly 
battered into ruin, the French line of trenches advanced 
yard by yard, until in the darkness of early morning 
on June 21 the Central and Barberini bastions were 
breached and taken, the Casa Giacometti was aban- 
doned, and only the Vascello, captained by Giacomo 
Medici with what was left of the Medici Legion, held » 
out. The French were at last within the walls of Rome. 

The Romans now made a new line behind the rem- 
nants of Aurelian’s wall where it ran across the open 
spaces and down the hill, with a battery under the pines 
where now is the garden next San Pietro in Montorio. 
From now on, the Garibaldian headquarters were in the 
adjoining Villa Spada, today Nobilia. In this house, 
for over a week the crumbling target of the French 
artillery, Luciano Manara, at twenty-four the veteran 
of many gallant fights, rendered up his life in the final 
assault by the enemy which brought all hope to an end. 
“What! Are you always the one to be struck? Am I to 
take nothing away from Rome?” he had said a few 
moments before to Emilio Dandolo, his comrade of 
nineteen, Just wounded in the arm. 

On the second of July, in the great space before Saint 
Peter’s, occurred the never-to-be-forgotten review. Ar- 
rived at last with great difficulty at the obelisk, in the 
midst of the thousands and tens of thousands that 
pressed about him, Garibaldi “stopped his horse and 


538 ETERNAL ROME 


turned, and when his staff had joined him, gave a sign 
with his hand to stop the cheers. After they had been 
repeated with double force, there was a dead calm on 
the square.” Then, from the serene figure in the midst 
of the sea of faces upturned to him in the greatest emo- 
tion of their lives, came the memorable call: “Fortune, 
who betrays us today, will smile on us tomorrow. I am 
going out from Rome. Let those who wish to continue 
the war against the stranger, come with me. I offer 
neither pay, nor quarters, nor provisions; I offer hunger, 
thirst, forced marches, battles, and death. Let him who 
loves his country in his heart and not with his lips only, 
follow me.” 

At eight on the evening of the same day, with four 
thousand men, and with Anita at his side, the chieftain 
left the city by the Lateran gate for Tivoli, to begin the 
retreat in whose sixty days and five hundred miles, by 
inspired strategy and through divinely sent friends, he 
eluded the thirty thousand French, the fifteen thousand 
Austrians, the twelve thousand Neapolitans, the six 
thousand Spaniards, the two thousand Tuscans, and 
the innumerable Catholic faithful along the route, the 
sole object of all of whom for the time being was the 
capture of the bandit enemy of the Holy Church. On the 
next day, the Roman assembly, having agreed upon sur- 
render, awaited in dignified body on the Capitol the 
arrival of Oudinot and his men. On July 14, at a mo- 
ment when Garibaldi was between Todi and Orvieto 
and the puzzled and anxious enemy could form no idea 
of his whereabouts, the temporal power was declared 
once more restored. On August 28, twenty-four days 
after the death of Anita in the marshes of Ravenna by 
the Adriatic, when he was now nearing the coast of the 








GARIBALDI HUT IN THE MARSHES NEAR RAVENNA 


HERE GARIBALDI FOUND REFUGE ON THE NIGHT OF AUGUST 6, 1849, 
TWO DAYS AFTER ANITA’S DEATH 





THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT _ 539 


Tuscan Maremma and safety, the one hundred and 
twenty-six days of the siege of Venice were ended by 
her surrender, and Italian hopes were again ended,— 
for the time. 

At four in the afternoon on April 12, 1850, Pius the 
Ninth again saw the streets of his capital, having several 
days before taken leave of Ferdinand the Second be- 
tween Fondi and Terracina, whither his host of the 
preceding seven months had escorted him. Met far out 
on the road that led from Albano to Rome, saluted with 
the booming of guns, he entered at the Porta San Gio- 
vanni, to find the giant square thronged and the steps 
of the church covered by the brilliantly robed and uni- 
formed ecclesiastics and diplomats who had gathered to 
confer distinction on his welcome. Advancing between 
the Janes of French and papal troops, and preceded by 
a squadron of French cavalry, to the cry of Viva il 
Papa! and the ringing of all the bells of Rome, the pope 
traversed the piazza and halted at the steps of the 
basilica, where he alighted from his carriage to receive 
from kneeling commissioners the keys of the city, and 
from the diplomatic corps their salutations. Then, hav- 
ing entered the church to receive the benediction at the 
hand of Cardinal Barberini, its archpriest, he took his 
place in the pontifical carriage and resumed his progress, 
escorted by the French General Baraguay on the right 
and on the left by Prince Altieri of the Noble Guards, 
between lines of soldiers and the cheering multitudes 
across the city to Saint Peter’s, where, after receiving 
the benediction from Cardinal Mattei, he kissed the toe 
of the saint and, eager for rest, retired to the Vatican, 
while the Romans entered upon a night of festivity in 
the brightly illuminated city. 


540 ETERNAL ROME 


On the morning of the fifteenth, the pope received in 
solemn audience the diplomatic corps, whose sentiments 
were formally expressed by the Spanish ambassador. In 
the afternoon, first visiting Santa Maria Maggiore, he 
went to the French military hospital at Sant’ Andrea 
on the Quirinal, where to their great emotion he dis- 
tributed crosses and medals to the sick and wounded. 
On the sixteenth he had pass in review before him in the 
Piazza San Pietro fourteen thousand of the men to 
whom he owed the rescue of his authority, and on whom 
he bestowed the apostolic benediction. On the twenty- 
ninth he visited in detail the scenes of the battles and 
siege of the year before. 

On the morning of the next day, the anniversary of 
the first battle at the Villa Pamfili, on the doors of 
several churches and on the walls of several palaces ap- 
peared in glaring red the words: 

“Priests, the blood of the martyrs cries aloud for 
vengeance!”’ 


3. 
THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 


ITH the return of the pope, the Red Trium- 

virate of the cardinals Vannicelli, Altieri, and 
Della Genga, who had governed from the Quirinal 
since the restoration of the temporal power the year be- 
fore, and by their reactionary policy had made them- 
selves obnoxious to all classes but their own, came to 
an end. Their ministry had consisted of five depart- 
ments: War; Justice; Finance; Interior and Police; 
Agriculture, Commerce, Industry, and Public Works 
and Arts. But the laicization of the ministry was no 
easy undertaking; the clerics were jealous of their 
authority, and the fear was prevalent that the policy 
was a sure step toward the loss of the temporal power. 
By 1854, even the minister of war was a prelate. 

In the city, the form of autonomy was preserved, but 
the form only. By edict of the secretary of state on 
January 25, 1851, the senate was again established in 
its seat, though its members were not named until the 
twelfth of March. It consisted of forty-eight councillors, 
evenly divided between nobles and borghesi, eight con- 
servators, and one senator, the senator to be chosen from 
one of the Roman families most conspicuous for nobility 
and wealth. The senator’s office was for six years, and 
half of his colleagues in the council were either chosen 
or confirmed every three years, the appointment being 
made by the pope from a list including the actual coun- 
cillors and two other candidates acceptable to each of 
the fourteen rioni. This is the SPQR whose initials, 


542 ETERNAL ROME 


together with the papal insignia, appear on the marble 
tablets let into the wall of Urban where they were re- 
paired after the breaches of 1849. How far it was from 
being the equivalent of the sindaco, assessori, and con- 
sigliert who later constituted the SPQR, may be real- 
ized by remembering that it was the creation of the 
pope, that few public works were due to purely munici- 
pal means or initiative, that education and charities were 
almost entirely ecclesiastical, and that a civic conscious- 
ness hardly existed; in a word, that the city was not bred 
to self-dependence. 

The difficulties of government did not cease with the 
restoration. From now on, besides the confusion of tem- 
poral and spiritual authority, there was the complication 
caused by the continual presence of the French soldiery. 
The fierce rancors that had sprung up in the hearts of 
the common people fifty years before during the Napo- 
leonic occupation had changed rather than died out. The 
rabble that had hated the foreigner as an enemy of 
thrones and the papacy, and had been devoted to the 
pope, now hated both foreigner and pope-as the enemies 
of Italian unity and the freedom of Rome. There were 
many Roman families of note, as well as the nameless, 
whose sons and brothers had shed their blood in the 


cause whose opponents now ruled the city. There were ~ 


petty riots, and murderous deeds in the dark. The 
French commandant was driven to forbid the carrying 
of weapons, and followed his prohibition by the public 
shooting of culprits in the Piazza del Popolo and at the 
Bocca della Verita. 

Apart from the disorders of passion, there were those 
of incapacity and selfishness. Brigandage continued to 
torment the Campagna and provinces. In 1851, the fa- 





Le ae ee 


THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 5438 


mous Passatore, long sought by both Austrian and pa- 
pal gendarmes, was finally slain and his band destroyed; 
but not even then did the evil cease to be a reproach to 
the government. The running of contraband, more or 
less closely allied with brigandage, was more notorious 
still. The papal states bordered on Naples, Tuscany, 
Modena, and the Romagna, to say nothing of the two 
seas; the imposts were high, the morality of collectors 
and population low, the temptation great, the love of 
adventure not without its part, and in spite of all at- 
tempts at suppression the practice continued. The 
elaboration of customs laws as a means of prevention 
was effective chiefly in establishing the transgression as 
a lucrative occupation for the principal violators, and 
a convenient means on the part of the border population 
for adding to their livelihood in a way that did not lack 
the element of pleasure. The duties brought little to the 
state, and their evasion came to an end only when they 
disappeared with the border itself in the territorial 
changes of 1860. 

Nor were those branches of the public service which 
were less provocative of temptation free from reproach. 
The larger abuses of the princely period were succeeded 
by the peculation and petty theft of minor functiona- 
ries. The inauguration of the postage stamp in 1852, for 
example, was soon followed by its covert sale at half 
price by postal employés, or by the sale of stamps pur- 
posely left uncancelled, and detached from their en- 
velopes. 

In the city, the most prominent abuses of the sort not 
grounded in actual disorder were idleness, dirt, and 
beggary. The Campagna had declined in productive- 
ness and healthfulness in the seventeenth century, and 


544 ETERNAL ROME 


the fact no doubt had its influence in the multiplication 
of idlers and the poor. The lottery had been established 
by Clement the Twelfth over a hundred years before, 
and was now a passion of the people, especially of the 
lower order, who resorted to dreams and signs and the 
prophetic confidences of priests in their choice of num- 
bers. The drawings were held at first in the loggia of 
Montecitorio, then at the Madama, and afterward on the 
Ripetta; an orphan boy in white drew from an urn of 
silver, and the numbers were cried by a herald at the 
sound of a trumpet. 

There were not only the idle poor, but the idle rich. 
The patriciate, living from the rents of estates of whose 
management they knew little, entertained as great a 
scorn for actual work as they did for alliance with the 
social rank below them; “to enrabble oneself,” zinca- 
nagliarsi, was their description of marriage with an in- 
ferior. The idle poor were innumerable. The city ad- 
ministration really amounted to an institution of charity 
spending under the pope’s direction something like one- 
third of its annual moneys. There were three thousand 
two hundred and eighty-one families permanently on 
the list of those receiving daily aid, and there were, be- 
sides, innumerable special expenditures for the welfare 
of the poor. But this direct material aid was as nothing 
compared with the broader activities of the more regular 
institutions of charity. There were hospitals, refuges, 
loan offices, infant homes, orphan asylums, retreats, 
monasteries, chapters, and congregations of all kinds 
to an extent probably unequalled in any other city of 
the world. 

How wise this wholesale administration of charity is 
to be judged, and in what degree to be condemned as 








THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 545 


palliative rather than remedial, are questions not easy 
to answer; but from the time of the Gracchi to the 
present there is no doubt of the continual necessity of 
some sort of aid to the population of a city whose at- 
tractions have always been great, whose industries have 
always been few, whose environment has been unhealthy, 
and whose poor have been bred to the idea of relying 
on subsidy. By the census of 1871, which yielded figures 
in general confirmatory of the census of 1857, the fact 
was revealed that, of a population of about two hundred 
thousand, there were one hundred and twelve thousand 
of both sexes, including children, who declared no occu- 
pation, representing about seventy thousand adults 
unemployed and subsisting in part on some form of 
charity. That there were abuses on the part of both 
giver and recipient need hardly be said; that calculation 
as well as love sometimes prompted the giving, and that 
gratitude was not always in the heart of the recipient, 
is equally probable. 

The general laxity was reflected nowhere more than 
in the care of the streets. Until 1853, they were lighted 
by oil lamps, far apart, somewhat aided by the flames 
burning before the numerous wayside images. The new 
gaslights were at first confined to certain principal 
thoroughfares. In spite of legislation for cleanliness in 
such ways as imposing a fine of five scudi for the throw- 
ing of refuse from the windows, in itself a comment, 
Rome had the reputation of being the filthiest city in 
Italy except Naples. It had open sewers that went un- 
challenged, it swarmed with dogs, and its alleys and 
streets were in certain respects the annexes of the houses, 
and even of palaces. Cholera had swept it in 1836 and 
1887, and came again in 1867, when Maria Theresa, 


546 ETERNAL ROME 


widow of Ferdinand the Second, died of it at Albano. 
For all its being the capital of the world and the goal 
of travel for the enlightened of all parts of the old hemi- 
sphere and the new, for all its incomparably rich and 
beautiful palaces and wonderful villa-gardens, the city 
was in many ways hardly more than an overgrown and 
neglected village. 


If we seek a cause for this condition outside of the ~ 


more or less natural laxity of a southern people, we are 
most likely to find it in the simple fact that the city was 
not its own mistress and had not been bred to civic pride. 
The pope was the state, and the pope was the city of 
Rome. The powers of the senate were merely rhetorical. 
The pope, it is true, repaired and constructed, and to 
him were owing many an improvement and many a 
beautification which the municipality unaided would 
have either considered impossible or refused to execute. 
The repair of the breaches in Urban’s wall, the rebuild- 
ing of the Porta San Pancrazio, the great tobacco manu- 
factory in the Piazza Mastai, the Acqua Marcia, the 
completion of the Porta Pia, the erection of the column 
of the Immaculate Conception, the laying of the railway 
lines from Rome to Frascati in 1856, from Rome to 
Civitavecchia in 1859, from Rome to Ancona and 
Bologna in 1861, and from Rome to Ceprano in 1862, 
with their four inconvenient stations at the Porta Mag- 
giore, the Porta Portese, the Porta Angelica, and the 
Termini, and many less imposing buildings and monu- 
ments which his fondness for the sight of his own name 
has marked for the gaze of posterity, were the work of 
his reign. But the assumption of authority and conse- 
quently of responsibility on the part of the popes had 
long since confirmed the Romans in carelessness and 

















THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 547 


indolence. In major matters, they were obliged to sub- 
mit; as a natural consequence, when the ruler was negli- 
gent in minor matters, or sought their codperation in 
details that called for municipal pride and individual 
public spirit, they lacked the concern of a city accus- 
tomed to do its own thinking and to pay its own bills. 
There were, however, compensations. Outside of the 
circle of necessary restriction, there was a large liberty. 
If Rome was an overgrown village, it also gave the free- 
dom of the village. If it was careless of sanitation and 
public appearances, its private intercourse also had 
something of the comfort of unstarched and not too 
tidy garments. If there was not perfect freedom of ini- 
tiative, there was also not the tyranny of responsibility. 
The pope concerned himself for the proper living of his 
subjects; he was answerable, too, for their proper dying. 
Foreigners especially continued to find the life of the 
city unconstrained and congenial. The hotels and houses 
of Rome were filled with visitors, and then as now the 
entertainment of the stranger was the city’s chief in- 
dustry. The scholars and writers and artists resided in 
modest quarters about the Piazza di Spagna. Gregoro- 
vius entered the city by the Porta del Popolo at half- 
past four on the afternoon of October 2, 1852, and on 
the fourth moved into his “little room under the roof 
of the dwelling of Vincenzo the sculptor,” to begin his 
Roman literary career of twenty-two years, living later 
in the Via Gregoriana. On October 3, 1854, he records 
that he “must undertake something great, something 
that will lend a purpose to my life.” It is to write the 
history of the city of Rome in the Middle Ages, the 
thought of which he suddenly conceives, “struck by the 
view of the city as seen from the bridge leading to the 


548 ETERNAL ROME 


island of Saint Bartholomew.” Dr. Braun, secretary to 
the Archxological Institute, listens attentively to the 
plan, and then says, “It is an attempt in which anyone 
must fail.” 

The journal of Gregorovius sparkles with the names 
of interesting sojourners in Rome. He meets a young, 
uncouth poet, Buchanan Read, with “a fair little wife 
who looks like a sacrificial lamb.’ He meets Ampere, 
“one of the most brilliant Frenchmen, good-natured, 
kind, versatile, and, what is rare among Irenchmen, 
devoid of vanity, who invariably carries paper and pen- 
cil, and instead of smoking always chews a cigar.” He 
knows Alfred von Reumont, diplomat and writer, the 
first volume of whose History of the City of Rome, ap- 
pearing in 1867, displays lack of “the higher esthetic 
sense, and the power for putting his knowledge into 
shape.” In April, 1860, while Garibaldi and King Vic- 
tor Emmanuel are threatening the papal state from 
both sides, he goes to call on Theodore Parker, who is 
ill and soon to die in Florence. Mr. Parker says, with 
great energy, “The pope is a fool, pure and simple.” 
He makes the acquaintance of Browning, “the cele- 
brated English poet, who with his delicate wife, a gifted 
poetess, has lived for years in Florence.” He meets 
Mommsen, whose appearance is “a curious mixture of 
youthfulness and pedagogic conscientiousness,” which 
“in great part explains his work, distinguished by 
critical, destructive acumen and erudition, but rather a 
pamphlet than history.” 

In 1864, Guizot and Villemain are the orators at 
Ampere’s funeral. The next year, Gregorovius meets 
“the talented Englishman, Bryce, author of The Holy 
Roman Empire,’ and hears Liszt in the Palazzo Bar- 





PAR 
CAN 





THEODORE PARKER’S TOMB IN FLORENCE 


HE HAD COME TO ITALY IN THE HOPE OF RECOVERING HEALTH 





THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 549 


berini in the concert which is his farewell to the profane 
world, with no one suspecting that he has “the abbé’s 
stockings in his pocket,’—‘‘the end of the gifted vir- 
tuoso, a truly sovereign personality,” at one with his 
instrument, ‘“‘as it were, a piano centaur.” Gounod, who 
was in the French Academy in the Villa Medici in 1869, 
he does not mention. Ranke, the historian of the popes, 
who “sees in history no factor but diplomacy, does not 
recognize the people,” and “goes through history as he 
would go through a picture gallery, writing acute 
notes,” he finally meets in Germany, and after return- 
ing to Rome records that he has added so much to his 
information by research during his absence, “especially 
concerning the sack of Rome, as will rejoice the heart 
of Ranke, who told me in Munich that there was no 
longer anything fresh to add, he having already ex- 
plored every source.” In 1868, he has seen Professors 
Adams and Curtis, from America; “also Bayard Tay- 
lor, a celebrated author, a serious, energetic, and almost 
heroic-looking man.” The following year, he meets 
Longfellow at Princess Wittgenstein’s: “he has a fine 
head; striking features, liberal and open; white hair and 
a white beard,—is entering on old age in full possession 
of his energies . . . on Tuesday was with him at Mrs. 
Terry’s, the widow of Crawford, the American sculp- 
tor.” He makes friends with Ferdinand Keller, the 
discoverer of the lake-dwellings, and goes to the funeral 
_ of Overbeck in the church of San Bernardo alle Terme, 
incidentally seeing “the entire company of dethroned 
royalties driving with smiles from the railway station.” 
He knows Dollinger, the rebel against the dogma of 
papal infallibility. 

The social life of the aristocratic circles was in the 


550 ETERNAL ROME 


grand style, and brilliant with the participation of 
diplomatic representatives and other notable foreigners, 
to say nothing of great churchmen. On March 8, 1858, 
at the ball of Alessandro Torlonia and his wife Teresa 
Colonna in their great palace in the Borgo, thirteen 
hundred guests were invited, among them ministers, 
ambassadors, cardinals, generals, and foreigners of dis- 
tinction; and the dance, beginning with the withdrawal 
of the cardinals at midnight, except Antonelli and 
Ugolini, continued until seven in the morning. In the 
Golden Book of 1746, the aristocracy had numbered 
one hundred and eighty-seven families. By the decree 
of Pius the Ninth on May 2, 1853, the qualifications of 
Nobilis Romanus were defined as personal or ancestral 
participation in the municipal government in the ca- 
pacity of either conservator or head of a rione; accre- 
tions were to take place, when advisable, through a 
heraldic commission. It was in 1853 that society life on 
a grand scale was first resumed after the pope’s ab- 
sence, and the Torlonia ball, though eclipsing the others, 
was only one of many. In 1859, Prince Borghese enter- 
tained two hundred persons at dinner. Such was the 
frequency of balls that at one time the Portuguese 
ambassador went begging for a date on which to invite 
his guests, and Hooker, the American banker, unable 
to find an evening free, in desperation gave a ball by 
day. The Carnival was at its height, and every Monday 
and ‘Thursday saw gatherings in the Campagna for the 
chase. The great religious functions vied in brilliance 
with the social. . 

There were, to be sure, a few active tyrannies in this 
easy-going society. There was the tyranny of rank; each 
class was at ease within its limits, but any mingling not 





a ee ee 


ee ee 





THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 551 


purely formal of the aristocracy with the middle class 
was still impossible. There were religious tyrannies 
which were more serious because not self-imposed. Con- 
fessors exercised great influence on the individual con- 
science, and were not always the safe depository of con- 
fidences. To be known as a liberal was to be under 
suspicion, and perhaps to have the means of livelihood 
endangered. There was one newspaper, the Giornale di 
Roma, and its news was confined to official and religious 
notices and events. “Let them publish papal news and 
the news of the Chinese insurrections,” said Cardinal 
Antonelli, the bitter enemy of liberty of the press. The 
Jews, except in special cases, were not allowed outside 
the Ghetto, and the time was hardly past when they 
were compelled to attend mass in Sant’ Angelo in Pes- 
cheria, with an officer and whip to insure attention. The 
theaters were more or less under surveillance. During 
concerts in the Corea, as the mausoleum of Augustus 
was then called, the ringing of church bells near at hand 
was allowed to annoy the auditors, as is still the case 
both there and in many another hall in Rome; and con- 
scientious listeners to music and the drama were mad- 
dened then, as they are today, by the atrocious manners 
of gabbling neighbors. The security of officialdom in 
general was an irritation to such as had to deal with it. 
The Legations were abandoned to the whims of cardinal- 
governors. ‘The papal and sacerdotal solicitude for souls 
could easily become excessive, and sometimes a scandal 
was the result, as when the Jewish seven-year-old Edgar 
Mortara, who had been baptized in secret by scheming 
zealots, was forcibly taken from his parents and bred to 
the priesthood, or when the Mudai couple, Tuscan con- 
verts to Protestantism who read the Bible to neighbors 


552 ETERNAL ROME 


and solicited their conversion, were imprisoned for four 
years. No Protestant church was allowed within the 
walls of Rome. The English Protestants had their place 
of worship outside of the Porta del Popolo in a granary, 
watched by the papal police to prevent the entrance of 
Catholics. The first Presbyterian church was built near 
by in 1868-1869. Services were conducted by the de- 
nomination within the gates from 1862 until forbidden 
in 1866. Its minister from 1864 to as late as 1872 warned 
his congregation to “avoid openly carrying their Bibles 
when assembling, and to dismiss . . . dropping out by 
twos and threes”; and “no psalms were sung lest prais- 
ing God with a loud voice should betray us to the police.” 
The Protestant embassies were obliged to confine reli- 
gious services to private chapels in their official apart- 
ments. Rufus King, the American envoy, used a room 
in the Palazzo Salviati, much to the scandal of the 
owner of the house, who on his departure had the cham- 
ber cleansed of the stain. On March 28, 1870, Gregoro- 
vius is refused by the Jesuit in charge the use of certain 
manuscript in the Vatican library: “Seeing his malicious 
smile, I recognized that my hour had struck. Have gone 
to the library apparently for the last time; but I too 
can smile, for my work is almost finished.” On March 
1, 1874, he hears that The History of the City of Rome 
in the Middle Ages has been placed on the Index. At 
Saint Peter’s, he reads the decree “posted up on the first 
marble column of the outer entrance. The honored. 
cathedral suddenly acquired a personal relation to my- 
self. . . . Everyone congratulates me on the merited 
honor.” 

For all these tyrannies, however, and for the harsher 
crimes against liberty in whose perpetration the papacy 





THE CHURCH OF SAINT PETER IN 1918 


THE ORIGINAL PLAN OF THE CHURCH 
IN THE FORM OF A GREEK CROSS 
WOULD HAVE ALLOWED THE DOME GREATER PROMINENCE 





THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 553 


shared with other despotisms of the time,—for exile 
and imprisonment without statement of cause or limit, 
for delays of the law, for shameful punishments without 
due trial, for the exclusion of seven thousand five hun- 
dred and twenty-six persons from the amnesty of 1850, 
for the abandonment of the merely suspected to the 
discretion of the police,—for all these, the spirit of mod- 
ern enlightenment was preparing an end in the papal 
state as in other states it had already prepared an end. 
From the restoration in 1850 until 1870, the holy seat 
was never quite free from the shadow of the great threat. 
The Siccardi laws, the rise of Cavour and his open chal- 
lenge of the Church’s civil authority, the Gladstone let- 
ters, the civil marriage agitation, the Rattazzi bill, the 
growing friendship between Piedmont and Napoleon 
the Third, the campaign of 1859, causing transports of 
joy in the city, were the constant reminders of in- 
security. Since the days of Mazzini and Garibaldi and 
Masina and Dandolo and Mameli and Morosini and 
Manara and the victorious defeat on the Janiculum, the 
sentiment of Rome was no longer to be counted on. An 
abortive movement in 1853 resulted in the capital sen- 
tence for five men, heavy punishments for a score of 
others, and lighter ones for many more; and the reduc- 
tion of all the sentences was quite as significant as the 
movement itself. The time was passing when the spirit 
of revolt was confined to a few and could be repressed 
by a heavy penalty or two. Five thousand Romans 
volunteered for the national cause in 1859; the popula- 
tion divided itself into clerical and national partisans; 
and Napoleon’s sudden termination of the campaign 
struck Rome as well as other cities dumb with surprise 
and wrath. On January 27, 1860, one hundred and 


554 ETERNAL ROME 


thirty-four Roman nobles thought it worth while to sign 
and present an address of loyalty to the pope. It had 
been preceded on the twenty-second, and perhaps 
caused, by a popular nationalistic demonstration. ‘The 
Romans began to imitate the Milanese by refusing to 
smoke. The students and young intellectuals in general 
were for Piedmont. The Comitato Nazionale Romano 
had reached a membership of six thousand. Gregoro- 
vius notes that “the pope asked Torlonia for a loan, but 
the banker referred him to the Roman princes and espe- 
cially to Antonelli, who has placed two millions in the 
English Bank.” By June 27, “there is nothing but 
prayers and processions, and Garibaldi’s name is in 
every mouth.” In 1861, Rome is in angry passivity, but 
on March 17 there is a great demonstration from the 
Forum to the Lateran. On May 21, ten thousand signa- 
tures are forwarded inviting Victor Emmanuel to 
Rome. The cession of Venetia in 1866 and the removal 
of Austria from direct contact with the papal territory, 
the steady pressure of the growing Italian state, the 
gallant adventure of the Cairoli and their devoted band 
at Villa Glori, and above all the terrible Garibaldi, un- 
successful at Aspromonte but never ceasing to breathe 
out threatenings and slaughter, while disorders in the 
city made clear on which side sympathy lay,—all these 
were the signs of a progress whose inevitable end could 
be seen by everybody but those who feared it and felt 
it coming, and would not see it. 

The proof that it was feared and felt to be coming had 
long been manifest. 'The syllabus of 1864, in which every 
ecclesiastical claim was reaffirmed, was Pius the Ninth’s 
confession of it. The convention of September, stipulat- 
ing that the capital was to be fixed at Florence and the 


et 


THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 555 


Italian government was to allow the papal state a 
reasonable army and to protect the papal frontiers, was 
Napoleon’s. If a farther confession is to be sought, it 
was made by the famous Infallibility council of 1869 
and 1870. Even this was no new plan. Gregory the Six- 
teenth, thirty years before in the midst of unmanageable 
rebellions against the temporal power, had conceived 
the idea of buttressing the Church’s territorial structure 
by conferring upon its head a divine and unchallenge- 
able authority. The authority of Catholic arms, how- 
ever, was made to serve instead, until it came to be seen 
that even bayonets and cannon were a weak and ephem- 
eral resort. 

On the twenty-ninth of June, 1868, from a pulpit on 
the terrace in front of Saint Peter’s, with eight Swiss 
Guards and four of the Faithful of the Senate as an 
escort, one of a company of notaries read aloud to the 
world the bull which summoned the council of December 
8, 1869. The bull itself was then affixed to the doors of 
the great church, and to the doors of Saint John in 
Lateran, Santa Maria Maggiore, and the Cancelleria, 
and in the Campo dei Fiori. By October 10, 1869, the 
preparations for the great assembly, the successor, after 
three hundred years, of Trent, were almost complete. 
In the church of Saint Peter, a horseshoe of wooden 
seats had been erected, with a chapel at either side. The 
places for cardinals were covered with red, for the 
bishops, with green. There were tribunes for royalty, 
for the diplomatic corps, for the Roman nobility. In 
the middle stood an altar, with a speaker’s tribune be- 
hind it and facing the papal throne. Antonelli thought 
that the council might last for years, but in seven 
months the long series of discussions, debates, intrigues, 


556 ETERNAL ROME 


briberies, and coercion by which the original opposi- 
tion had been worn down from over one hundred 
adherents to two, was ended. The two whose courage 
proved indomitable were Luigi Riccio, a Neapolitan and 
bishop of Caiazzo, and Edward Fitzgerald, bishop of 
Little Rock, Arkansas. 

On the sixteenth of June, 1870, a month before the 
council’s findings were given to the world, occurred the 
usual procession of Corpus Domini. Of all the proces- 
sions descended through the ages, it was the greatest and 
the most picturesque, and on this occasion, by reason of 
the participation of seven hundred bishops who were in 
attendance on the council, it was the greatest and most 
spectacular of all its line. Issuing from the Sistine 
chapel, it descended the Scala Regia, passed through 
the bronze portals, filed into the curved length of the 
colossal colonnade of Bernini, and entered the spacious 
farther square which fronts the great piazza itself. At- 
tended by the Guardie Nobili and their captains in full 
uniform, with the standard-bearers and the great gon- 
faloni of the Church, the papal train advanced, Pope 
Pius himself under the great baldacchino and bearing 
the sacrament. Traversing the space between, which 
was resplendent with a great display of bright-colored 
flowers and hangings of every hue, the procession re- 
entered the colonnade on the other side by the statue of 
Charlemagne, and made its deliberate and majestic way 
between the mighty columns to the church again, which 
it reached two hours after its setting forth. 

This was the last procession and the last solemn pon- 
tifical mass of Pius the Ninth before the world. One 
month afterward, on the eighteenth of July, 1870, the 
decree of the dogma of Papal Infallibility went forth, 


THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 557 


which was to have brought in its train the dogma of 
the Temporal Power and to have stemmed the tide of 
Italian nationalism. Another month, and the French 
army, whose presence in Rome had kept the pope on 
his throne since the days of 1849, had been recalled to 
fight the calamitous battles of its emperor of clay. The 
pope was left alone with the single weapon of dogma. 
On the twentieth of September, the soldiers of Victor 
Emmanuel burst through the walls of Rome, and the 
edifice of the Temporal Sovereignty, so near to its com- 
pletion and yet so far from the possibility, fell to the 
ground in ruin. 


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XIII. 
ETERNAL ROME 


But its importance in universal history it can 
never lose. For into it all the life of the ancient 
world was gathered: out of it all the life of the 
modern world arose. 


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1. 
THE NEW CAPITAL 


ITH the breach at the Porta Pia on the twen- 

tieth of September, 1870; with the plebiscite of 
October 2, in which one hundred and thirty-three thou- 
sand six hundred and eighty-one votes were for union 
with Italy and one thousand five hundred and seven 
against, and in which the Leonine city itself insisted on 
having a part; with the meeting of the first Italian 
parliament at Florence on December 5; and with the 
transfer of the government from the Arno to the Tiber 
on July 2, 1871,—Eternal Rome took her place among 
the national capitals of the world. 

The part she was now called upon to play was a new 
one. She had been the capital of the ecclesiastical des- 
potism, she had been the capital of the Holy Roman 
empire and of the ancient Roman empire, she had been 
the capital of an oligarchical republic whose victorious 
arms rapidly swept it on to absolutism. Now she was the 
constitutional capital of an independent Italy, the min- 
ister rather than the tyrant of her realms, the subject 
rather than the ruler of her peoples. Nor did she forfeit 
her place as capital of the more universal realm of the 
spirit. The fall of the temporal power was not the defeat 
of religion. It was with only a seeming violence that the 
beneficent spirit of progress had struck a mighty shackle 
from both the Church and Italy. What Cardinal Pacca 
had said when the temporal power was lost in Pius the 
Seventh’s time could be said again: “Providence has 
taken away the temporary power from the Holy See. 


562 ETERNAL ROME 


. . The popes, relieved from the burden of the tem- 
poral power, which obliged them to devote a great part 
of their time to secular affairs, may now turn all their 
attention, and all their care, to the spiritual government 
of the Church; and when the Roman Church lacks the 
pomp and magnificence which temporal sovereignty has 
given her, there will be numbered among her clergy only 
those who bonwm opus desiderant.” The Church at 
Rome was set free from selfish distractions that wasted 
its time, scattered its energies, and corroded its charac- 
ter. The state was free from the embarrassing presence 
of a hostile power in its midst, and from the interference 
of arms from abroad. The chiesa libera in stato libero of 
Cavour was at last a fact. 

Yet neither the Church nor the Italian state, though 
each was free from the other, was wholly free. The 
Church, indeed, by refusing the advances of the state as 
expressed in the law of Guarantees, which made large 
concessions in civil, legal, financial, residential, and dip- 
lomatic directions, renounced the freedom it might have 
enjoyed through coéperation with a willing government 
and people. 'The Church was not yet emancipated from 
the bonds of pride and worldly desire. The Church was 
not out of bondage to itself. 

As for the state, it had but set foot in the path of free- 
dom. “Italy is free and united,” the king had said at 
the opening of parliament in Florence on December 5; 
“rt depends on us to make her great and happy.” To 
drive the Austrian from her borders by the wars, con- 
spiracies, and martyrdoms of fifty years, to defend her 
own rights against a militant French Catholicism, to 
remove the obstacle of the temporal sovereignty with- 
out the embroilment of Kurope, were all enterprises that 








THE NEW CAPITAL 563 


called for infinite patience, time, and suffering; but they 
were enterprises whose conclusion could be clearly seen 
by the smaller company of the intensely patriotic all 
the time, and in the periods of outburst could be seen 
by all the people at once. It was the genuine and irre- 
sistible stirring of nature that drove the people of Italy 
into the paths and along the great highways of action 
which led to the gates of Rome. 

The highways of Italy, however, lead not only to the 
capital, but from it. It was after the permanence of 
Rome as the capital had been confirmed beyond question 
by the self-sacrificing surrender of their claims by rival 
Italian cities, by Victor Emmanuel’s words on entrance 
into the city, 4 Roma ci siamo, e ci resteremo,—“In 
Rome we are, and in Rome we remain,’—and by the 
approval of a world which would not respond to the 
papal appeal for a forcible reinstatement, that Italy 
and Rome were face to face with their real task. 

“Falling in love and winning love,” writes Stevenson, 
“are often difficult tasks to overbearing and rebellious 
spirits; but to keep in love is also a business of some 
importance, to which both man and wife must bring 
kindness and good-will. The true love-story commences 
at the altar, when there lies before the married pair a 
most beautiful contest of wisdom and generosity.” Italy 
was united; the task from now on was to keep united. 
The enthusiastic Italians who had hitherto faced toward 
Rome and territorial unification now had to turn and 
face toward every part of Italy and civic unification. 
The forces of territorial union which had been active so 
long as there were enemies to vanquish and obstacles to 
overcome, when once their object had been realized 
soon slackened in their vigor. Now that there was no 


564 ETERNAL ROME 


foreigner to hate and fear, now that there was no longer 
a dispute as to the claims of Rome to leadership, the 
forces that had always wrought to keep Italy in dis- 
union revived with all their ancient potency. The armed 
opposition of the Church and its partisans had ceased, 
but the hatreds and rancors of the Roman question per- 
sisted. The differences in race, productivity, and com- 
mercial aptitude were felt now in their full magnitude. 
The smaller cities as well as the large found it hard to 
forget their separateness in dialect, in situation, and in- 
terest. The south charged the busy, capable, and self- 
reliant north with selfishness. The north charged the 
indigent and indolent south with idleness and disaffec- 
tion. Government was found to be expensive; to be 
heavily assessed for the benefit of communities far re- 
moved and unknown was an irritation. The sacrifices 
of peace were harder than the sacrifices of martyrdom 
and war. 

The Italian character while in the mood of exaltation 
achieves the supremest heroisms. The individual in the 
heat of passion unflinchingly faces the martyr’s end; 
collectively, too, when dominated by enthusiasm, the 
Italian is stopped by nothing. In the moment of incan- 
descence he gladly gives up life; in the mild warmth and 
light of common day, for the common good, like other 
human beings, he finds difficult the sacrifice of the least 
advantage or the slightést personal inclination. The era 
of patriotism passed into the era of politics. A liberal 
king and a liberal people had freed the land from the 
absolutist, but with the purpose achieved the hitherto 
unanimous nation became the victim of divided desire. 
The antagonism of right and left, which before 1870 
had centered in the Roman question, after the taking of 


THE NEW CAPITAL 565 


Rome lapsed into the conventional opposition between 
conservative and liberal. The scattered and somewhat 
purposeless elements of the left had attained by 1876 
enough coherency and strength to succeed to the gov- 
ernment. The legislative energies, however, continued 
to scatter. The increase of the population from twenty- 
eight and a half millions in 1882, or two hundred and 
fifty-seven to the square mile, to the thirty-six millions 
of 1921, or three hundred and twenty-five to the square 
mile, was felt in an ever-increasing pressure of the 
masses. Socialism developed a party and became articu- 
late, and the franchise was more than once extended, 
until it was all but universal. From 1876 on, there were 
no longer two distinct parties, but an ever-growing 
number of groups from whose shifting and shifty leader- 
ship was drawn the material for brief-lived ministries. 
To the original conservatives and liberals were soon 
added not only the socialists, and the republicans, who 
could not forget Mazzini, but the democrats, and the 
social-democrats, and the nationalists, and the clericals, 
allowed at last by the Church to participate in politics 
and finally by combination transformed into the Italian 
People’s party, and, most recent of all, the fascist, 
first organized as groups from among the ex-soldiers of 
the Great War and without interference in politics, but 
finally, in 1921, provoked by the long-continued dis- 
orders and threats of communism into formal declara- 
tion of themselves as the party pledged to strong govern- 
ment under the monarchy. The purchase of support from 
faction or district by the legislation of local favors, a 
marked form of abuse in earlier years, was followed in 
later years by the practice of conciliating, through be- 
stowal of ministerial posts, the various groups necessary 


566 ETERNAL ROME 


to a majority. The ministry in the years succeeding the 
war no longer represented a definite party or principle, 
but an equilibrium of forces. Its formation was for the 
most part a matter of slate and pencil. By 1922, so 
numerous were the groups, and so inflexible in selfish 
purpose, that legislation became impossible. Italian 
politics were chaos. There were no great ideals, no great 
measures, no great men, and no great common purpose. 
The rising temper of the fascisti, the increasing fre- 
quency of their forcible appropriation of the govern- 
ment in disaffected cities, their appearance at last with 
Benito Mussolini sixty thousand strong in the streets 
of Rome, and their practical seizure of the government, 
were not unwelcome even to those who had felt alarm 
at their excesses. 

Yet, in spite of a legislative system by reason of its 
liability to change but ill adapted to an excitable race, 
in spite of an infinite diversity of interests, in spite of 
the lack of natural resources in coal and iron, in spite 
of the assaults of communism, the harassings of cleri- 
calism, and the disaffection of republicanism, in spite 
of the abuses of bureaucracy and personal interest and 
favoritism, the Italy of a half century after the taking 
of Rome looks back upon a progress which in its total 
is reassuring. She has made the best of the exceedingly 
difficult Roman question; the papal court is still in- 
transigent, but the Church at large exists in easy and 
almost cordial relation with the state. She has wonder- 
fully reduced the numbers of the illiterate even in parts 
where nature delights in throwing the obstacles of 
poverty and custom in the way of education. She has set 
in order her countless museums and national monu- 
ments for the delight of the world and the profit of her 





FASCISTI IN THE VIALE DEL RE 


THEY ARE ASSEMBLING FOR THE FUNERAL OF 
AVANGUARDISTA DUILIO GUARDABASSI, 
KILLED BY A COMMUNIST SYMPATHIZER 


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THE NEW CAPITAL 567 


citizenship. Through education directly, and indirectly 
through the mingling of men in army service, she has 
decreased the intensity of provincialism and established 
the sentiment of nationalism. She has met with patience 
and generosity the political demands of her needy and 
nameless, and notably increased the means of health, 
enjoyment, and livelihood. She has remembered her 
sons in the lands left unredeemed in 1866, and rescued 
them by a war initiated and carried through with in- 
tense popular enthusiasm. She has remained faithful to 
the memory of the Victor Kmmanuel who fought her 
battles against the Austrian, and loves with a like devo- 
tion the Victor Emmanuel of today and his queen, who 
in quite as dangerous and trying times have proved 
their greatness by the Platonic virtues of wisdom, cour- 
age, and temperance. She has weathered the storms of 
communism and of attempted revolution, and weathered 
also the storms of the fascista contra-revolution that re- 
duced to impotence both the anarchy of communism and 
the anarchy of decrepit government. Whatever regret 
may be entertained that violence was inevitable in the 
achievement of a stabilized Italy, it is a fact that the 
year since Mussolini and the fascisti assumed absolute 
control has been a year of promises kept, of growth in 
enlightenment on the part of governors and in faith on 
the part of the governed, of work taking the place of 
words, of patriotism translated into action. The suns of 
1924 shine on an Italy well out of the great ordeal of 
the war and the greater ordeal of the years of disillusion 
after the war, and treading with firm and spirited step 
in the paths of recovery. Whatever the difficulties still 
to be met, the unity of Italy will not be readily called 
into question. The passion for nationality has proved 


568 ETERNAL ROME 


itself in the course of a hundred years in many a trial 
by fire. The reflecting reader who has learned to think 
of Eternal Rome and Italy by ages rather than by 
scores of years may cautiously hesitate to call it a funda- 
mental and permanent trait of Italian character, but 
will see in it none the less clearly a steadfast and long- 
enduring trait. 

The achievement of Italy at large has been shared 
by its capital, and is reflected in her character. In the 
interval between the sack of 1527 and the fall of the 
temporal power in 1870, the circuit of the city had 
gradually widened until many a deserted garden and 
field was covered, and the still vast emptiness of Au- 
relian’s city was partially filled. A century after the 
sack, the population of Rome had risen to over one 
hundred thousand. At the end of the eighteenth century, 
it had reached one hundred and fifty thousand. Re- 
duced in the period of Napoleonic troubles to one hun- 
dred and seventeen thousand, it soon increased again, 
and entered upon a still more rapid growth. In 1870, 
Rome contained over two hundred and twenty-five thou- 
sand inhabitants. 

It was in the period after the erection of the capital 
at Rome, however, that the most rapid and marvellous 
increase took place. To what was left of the army of 
clericals that had been supported by the old régime was 
now added the larger army of those employed by the 
Italian government, and in the wake of peace and rail- 
way extension came transient multitudes of tourists 
and pilgrims, with all the permanent population neces- 
sary for their maintenance. Vast building enterprises 
were inaugurated to supply the needs of the inflowing 
_humbers, and great changes in topography occurred. 


THE NEW CAPITAL 569 


Large areas in Monti and the northern rioni, and in the 
field of Nero’s house, were built over. Regular streets, 
broad and well-paved, supplanted the country paths 
and lanes of the Renaissance and the papal city, and 
many a beautiful private garden and orchard gave way 
to blocks of monotonous modern buildings. The pictur- 
esque gardens of Sallust, since Gregory the Fifteenth 
known as the Villa Ludovisi, with their groves and 
charming irregularities, were levelled and transformed 
into monumental squares of dwelling houses. The broad 
Via Nazionale, now almost the heart of the city, was the 
result of a similar change. The Via Cavour ran its 
spacious course from railway station to Forum. The 
Corso Vittorio Emanuele was made to furnish a con- 
venient channel for traffic between the Piazza Venezia 
and the Castello Sant’ Angelo. A great tunnel was in- 
offensively driven under the Quirinal to facilitate com- 
munication between the northeastern quarters and the 
Campus Martius. The Palazzo di Giustizia, the Monu- 
mento Vittorio Emanuele, the Termini station, the 
great government buildings, and the masses of monu- 
mental apartment houses have given the city a modern 
air. Suburban building has filled with teeming life the 
hitherto quiet fields outside Aurelian’s great wall. Over 
the north and northeastern portions, and in the more 
adaptable areas beyond the walls in every direction, has 
been reared the new Rome, with a population which has 
increased from the two hundred and twenty-five thou- 
sand of 1870 to the five hundred thousand of the first 
years of the twentieth century, and to the seven hundred 
and sixty-two thousand three hundred and sixty-four 
of 1922. 

The changes apparent in twentieth century Rome, 


570 ETERNAL ROME 


however, are not merely those of numbers and area. The 
change in the character of the city’s life has been no less 
pronounced. ‘The present Rome of three-fourths of a 
million differs from the papal Rome of fifty years ago 
hardly less than the city of that period differed from 
the Rome of the Renaissance. 

How great has been the transformation can be appre- 
ciated only by those who have seen the city in both of 
these recent phases. It had already begun to change in 
the papal days, but with nothing like the present ra- 
pidity. Rome has suddenly become a great modern city, 
—modern in spirit as well as in appearance. The advent 
of the railway and the presence of the government have 
changed it from a provincial into a cosmopolitan city. 
Instead of leisurely approaching Rome in a coach or 
diligence from Civitavecchia or Viterbo, the visitor of 
today is whirled into a modern station filled with the 
smoke of monster locomotives. The rattle of carriages 
over the streets has been largely replaced by the whir 
of the automobile and the clang of electric cars that 
penetrate to every part of the city. A dozen daily news- 
papers are cried in the streets, a dozen other sheets are 
published, and modern methods of advertising have 
been adopted. Disorder has disappeared from the city 
and its environs, and the brigands that of old haunted 
the papal territories have taken their places in legend. 
Rome is among well-kept cities, with a death rate as 
low as that of the average modern capital. 

Welcome as have been many of the changes, however, 
they have been accompanied by less desirable trans- 
formations. In the minds of those who, whether through 
experience or investigation, are acquainted with the 
Rome of papal days, there is lodged a sense of regret, 


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THE NEW CAPITAL 571 


for together with modern improvement has come the 
disappearance of much that gave the city distinctive 
character. Gregorovius felt the change on his return 
from the north not six weeks after the Italian army’s 
entry, and his soul was filled with regret. He did not 
believe in the temporal authority, but he rebelled against 
seeing Rome made like other cities. “Rome should not 
be cosmopolitanized,” he wrote. “She will sink into be- 
coming the capital of the Italians.” He would have had . 
the city set apart, no longer possessed by the popes, yet 
not profaned by politics. 

The dread of the historian and his kind has been 
realized. The secluded, almost monastic life of the old 
city of the popes, with its flavor of medievalism, has 
made way for the matter-of-fact uniformity of the 
modern capital. The gilded coach no longer parades the 
streets with its burden of pontifex or cardinal; only 
sequestered within the precincts of the Vatican may be 
seen, if seen at all, the gorgeous relics of the old-time 
splendor. In place of the princely equipage with its 
retinue of brilliant liveries now rolls the monotonous 
cab or automobile. In place of the papal troops now 
march the drab soldiers of the Italian army. The tourist 
comes rushing in by train, encompassed by crowds of 
other tourists. Instead of leisurely dreaming in romantic 
solitude among ivy-covered ruins, like Shelley a hun- 
dred years ago, he hurriedly sees the sights of the city 
and dashes on. The native costumes of street and Cam- 
pagna have become things of the past, to be seen only 
on models in the artist’s studio. The Carnival at the out- 
break of the Great War was the mere ghost of its old 
self, and for the present at least, now that the pub- 
lic masque is not allowed, has altogether disappeared. 


572 ETERNAL ROME 


Pasquino and Marforio were dumb from the day the 
streets of the city were profaned by the soldiers of the 
king and the press began to speak for the people in the 
language of liberty. The Ghetto and its life are gone. 
Not even the picturesqueness of dirt and neglect has 
escaped the sacrifice; the dirt of modern Rome is not 
the dirt of a holy city. Not only has color faded from the 
street, but has grown less vivid in the countenances of 
the people. The machine of modern life runs at full 
speed. Everywhere are the dust and business and din 
so much disliked by the genial poet of the Sabine farm. 
The twentieth century spirit of method has extended 
even to the care of the ancient remains, and the Rome of 
seventy years ago, with grassy ruins clad in trailing 
clouds of ivy, has changed to a Rome of monuments 
whose environment indeed is graced by the replanted 
flora of the Cesars’ times, but in the crannies of whose 
naked walls not a blade is allowed to root. 


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2. 
THE CITY OF THE SOUL 


E'T those who remember or by study try to recall 

the old régime are few, and rapidly becoming 
fewer. Newer generations, with no sense of the trans- 
formation which has taken place, and with no regret, 
are as much under the spell of the city as have been all 
other generations. The monuments of ancient Rome 
still rise in solitary and solemn grandeur throughout the 
southern part of the city, still line the ways that lead to 
mountain and sea. A century of scientific excavation 
and preservation has made of Rome the greatest 
archeological center of the world. The student, his 
understanding illumined and fertilized by the vision of 
so much in her streets and museums that concerns the 
past of all nations; the traveller, overwhelmed and 
humbled by the wealth of historic association on every 
hand; the pilgrim, awed and inspired by the magnifi- 
cence and the antiquity of the religion he loves,—all 
depart with veneration and regret, and if a kindly for- 
tune grants them the longed-for return it is with a great 
wave of affection sweeping over the soul that they are 
borne past grey Soracte into the brown reaches of the 
Campagna and see once more the Great Dome swing 
into sight. Venice they may remember for moonlit 
lagoons, lapping waters, and dolce far niente, Florence 
for the warm hues and gracious shapes of the Renais- 
sance, Naples for picturesqueness and gaiety; but the 
feeling for Rome which sways their hearts is different. 
It is not her beauty which wins them, though she is beau- 


574 ETERNAL ROME 


tiful; nor her quiet and calm, though she sets the spirit 
free in a peace which passeth understanding; nor the 
fascination of her art, though in that least of all is she 
lacking. The charm which Rome exercises upon the 
senses is indeed great, but it is not first of all the senses 
that she takes captive. Rome’s dominion is of the spirit. 
She is ever “the city of the soul.” There resides in her 
atmosphere an intense spiritual quality that gives her 
a sovereignty unlike that of any other city. There is no 
other spot on the globe so rich with experience, so 
fraught with memories. 

There is no other spot where the soul is so wrought 
upon by the sense of that which is old. This is true be- 
cause nowhere else is there so great an abundance of 
important ruins of an important age. Of all the periods 
of the city’s history into whose life the imagination is 
stimulated to enter, the most Roman, the most fascinat- 
ing, and the most absorbing, is that of antiquity. The 
Rome of the popes is indeed everywhere visible in palace 
and monument, but its resemblance to and its blending 
with the modern city are such that it may fail to charm 
the imagination. Rome of the Renaissance is bodied 
forth by its architecture, painting, and sculpture, but 
its monuments are not, like those of Florence, the genu- 
ine, unforced, and exuberant witness of native genius, 
and lack somewhat its vividness and warmth. Rome of 
the Dark Ages, existing only in ruined towers, in the 
older churches, and in musty papal documents which 
never see the light, is so obscured by distant and end- 
less dead historical detail that few can conjure it to life 
again. Karly Christian Rome lives mainly in monuments 
of the dead. But the Rome of the Empire is everywhere 
strikingly visible. Great areas in the southern part of 


THE CITY OF THE SOUL 575 


the city,—the Forum, the Palatine, the Aventine, the 
Celian,—are only the regiones of antiquity, still vacant 
of the life of which the Dark Ages despoiled them, and 
containing little beyond the ruins of their times. The 
wide fields of Monti itself are not yet entirely covered 
by the modern city; and in the newest and most recent 
districts, where at first sight nothing seems visible older 
than the present, a few steps may bring to the eye the 
ruins of two thousand years ago. 

Not even the casual visitor escapes entirely the spell 
of the ancient city. Confused and overwhelmed though 
he is by the multitude of monuments which call up in 
his mind only dim and shadowy imaginations of the 
past, he departs none the less with a reverent sense of 
the age and authority of the city and her institutions. 
The sojourner of a longer time enters into communion 
with ancient Rome, and lives her life again. Daily his 
eye is met by a thousand things that make him a citizen 
of the past. — 

It may be a few blocks of the Servian wall that con- 
front him, imbedded and preserved in the masonry of 
ten years ago, or ivy-covered in some garden; or an 
imperial arch in the midst of habitations on the Es- 
quiline; or a tomb of the Republic, once part of the wall 
in a narrow thoroughfare, now left alone by itself in 
the midst of public improvement; or a battered column, 
standing deep in the ground by the side of the street; or 
an altar, rising from the pavement of an obscure corner 
in the Campus Martius; or in some alley the arch of a 
portico, buried almost to its spring; or, towering about 
him in a leafy garden-restaurant remote from the sights 
and sounds of the outside world, the giant curving walls 
of Trajan’s forum. Or, he may attend a service in the 


BLGNy ETERNAL ROME 


Pantheon, and look up through the apex of the vast 
dome into the same sky whose scintillating golden-blue 
depths met the worshipper’s gaze in Agrippa’s or Ha- 
drian’s time; or sit in patient study of the wreck of the 
Forum; or walk in contemplative mood apart from men 
some sunlit morning among the more picturesque ruins 
of the Palatine, finally losing all consciousness of self 
and the present as he sits in silent solitude upon what 
is left of the palace of Severus and lets his vision range 
over the reposeful fields of the Campagna to the slopes 
and summit of the Alban Mount. Or, it may be the 
sight of still yellow Father Tiber that provokes the 
inner eye until he is in mystic communion with the far- 
off time; or of white little Tivoli, supine on its hillside; 
or of cool Preneste far away in the gap toward the 
Volscian country; or of Monte Cavo, dark with the 
Alban herbage of springtime; or of Soracte, white and 
gleaming with the deep snows of winter. 

But it is not only the physical and literary remains 
of antiquity that cause him to dream dreams and see 
visions. The life of modern Rome itself is full of tradi- 
tions that illuminate the life of the ancient day. The 
wine-carts of the Alban vineyards still make their way 
to and from the city. Flocks and herds still roam the 
grassy pastures, and the simple folk of the Latin hamlet 
still make of seedtime, harvest, or vintage, as in the 
olden time, a festal season. The same beautiful white 
cattle, wide-eyed, black-muzzled, grey-flanked, with long 
and sweeping horns, draw the plough and the wagon 
of the Campagna, as perfect an offering to the gods as 
when in the time of Horace and Propertius they waited 
at the altar, garlanded with flowers and holy with sacri- 
ficial fillet. The high priest of the Church of Rome still 





CATTLE OF THE ROMAN CAMPAGNA 


THE BACKGROUND IS AN ARCH OF THE ACQUA CLAUDIA 





THE CITY OF THE SOUL 577 


calls himself pontifex maximus. The Vestal and the 
holy ones of Isis are perpetuated in the nun, the sodality 
member in the monk, the tunic in the aube, the penula 
in the chasuble. In place of the thousands of shrines to 
pagan deities which stood in the ancient streets are way- 
side shrines innumerable to Madonna and saints, by 
whom men blaspheme now instead of by Bacchus and 
Castor and Hercules. The spirit of ancient ceremonial, 
with many of its details, survives in the ritual of the 
modern Church, many of whose temples are the one- 
time abodes of the gods of ancient times. Pulcinella and 
the Dottore are the lineal descendants of the ancient 
farce. The SPQR of ancient days still greets the eye 
on official notices, and the regio survives in the rione. 
The modern house, like the ancient, is rectangular, and 
encloses a court, its life looking only less within than 
before the age of many windows. Like the house of 
Augustus and Trajan, its height is limited by law, and 
not far from the same dimension. The doves still fre- 
quent the roofs and eaves as in Juvenal’s time, tene- 
ments grow weary of their burdens and collapse as in 
Strabo’s day, and the endless procession of carts is still 
seen at its work of building Eternal Rome from the 
tufa and pozzolana of the Campagna pits and quarries. 
The corridors of the house, until the coming of the 
electric bulb a score of years ago, were often lighted by 
bronze or terra cotta lamps in the ancient style, filled 
with oil the same as that used by the remotest forefathers 
of the present generation. On the table of the Roman 
of today is the same clear, cold mountain water that his 
ancestors drank, brought in from the same sources, over 
the same routes, and sometimes in the identical channels 
employed by the Romans of Frontinus’ time. His heart 


578 ETERNAL ROME 


is made strong and glad by bread and wine from the 
same fields and vineyards that the citizen-soldier tilled 
before Cato’s time, and his face made to shine by oil 
from the same olive slopes. The very language he speaks, 
the best beloved and most beautiful child of the ancient 
tongue, daughter more beautiful than beautiful mother, 
has hardly ceased to be Latin. 

Nor are these externals the only survivals of the Rome 
of long ago. It is indeed vain to look to the Rome of 
today for one drop of blood transmitted from the an- 
cient city of Rome. The populations of capital cities are 
ever fluid and changing. Even today the Roman praisers 
of the good old times look back to the men of 1849 and 
lament that Roman blood has been replaced by provin- 
cial in three score years and ten. Yet Nature is constant 
and eternal. The Tiber, the Hills, the Campagna, the 
skies, the mountains remain, and with them, in spite of 
the vicissitudes of time and fortune, their product, the 
Italian people. In the remote seclusion of the unchang- 
ing country, and not in the great cities, are to be sought 
the human remnants of ancient Italy. The Roman of 
even today possesses some traits of the men of two 
thousand years ago; for the forces of nature are still at 
work, and the life of Rome is still compounded of the 
life of Italy. | 

The same lively temperament that characterized the 
Roman of Livy’s pictured page, the same vivacity of 
feeling, whether in anger, mirth, grief, or compassion, 
is present still in his modern descendant in city and 
country. The ancient delight in the spectacle is as strong 
as ever in him. A parade, a saint’s procession, a great 
funeral, is still the occasion of as much climbing up to 
towers, windows, and chimney-tops to sit in patient ex- 


THE CITY OF THE SOUL 579 


pectation as when great Pompey passed the streets of 
Rome. The passion for the stage is as great as when 
there were three great theaters and their thirty thousand 
seats in ancient Rome. The riotousness of Roman audi- 
ences is as great as when in Cicero’s time unpopular 
politicians on taking their seats were hissed by the mul- 
titude. The Camera dei Diputati, with its tumultuous 
displays of excitability, makes the passionate popular 
assemblies of Clodius and Cesar live again. The street 
riots of optimate and democrat, of senatorial and Ce- 
sarian, are still to be seen in the frays of communist 
and fascista. The funerals of slain partisans are still 
as much the opportunity for demonstration as in Grac- 
chan times. The same tendency to sudden passion and 
unpremeditated violence, to instant pacification and 
reconciliation, to extremes of hopefulness and despair, 
is still to be reckoned with, in both individual and mob. 
The same strange, contradictory blend of independence 
and pride with servility and meanness still exists that 
marked the populace of imperial times. The servant, 
the janitor, the waiter, the barber, the petty public 
servant of every sort, who for six months have done their 
duties with arrogant ill will, at Christmas and Easter 
hold out their hands with no more thought of degrada- 
tion than did the ancient clients receiving the dole from 
the patrons against whom they wagged an evil tongue. 
The ancient mobs that fawned on their master and then 
dragged his dishonored corpse through the streets, sur- 
vived in the medizval mob that rejoiced in the death of 
the popes who had given them less than their expecta- 
tion, and lived once more in the general strikers of pre- 
fascista times, who, to avenge the real or fancied slight 


580 ETERNAL ROME 


put upon their class, would turn and rend the city that 
gave them livelihood. 

But the same ever-varying and mutable nature in 
the people at large is also tempered by something of the 
same seriousness that was at the root of representative 
Roman character in its sternest days, and that gave 
Virgil’s lay its charm of sober and stately dignity. Not 
to be described or analyzed, it may be appreciated by 
one who comes from the gay and explosive communities 
of lower Italy to the comparatively monumental calm 
and repose of the Roman atmosphere. The old-time 
simplicity and frugality survive among the masses of 
the people, even in the city’s rapidly changing life. The 
modern Roman loves as well as Horace the unbought 
enjoyments of life,—the genial pleasures of the holiday, 
the sunny gardens of the Pincio or the Janiculum, the 
open-air concert in park or piazza, the October excur- 
sion outside the gates, the simple repast under the dense 
arbor of some unpretentious osteria. Underneath all the 
apparent lightness and instability of the Italian charac- 
ter,—and the Rome of today depends upon all Italy 
for life and character, as did the Rome of ancient days, 
—there lies a certain austerity, the quality which lay at 
the foundation of the heroism of the Punic wars, which 
inspired the martyrdoms of the Church, and which in 
the nineteenth century made possible the freeing of 
Italy. The dignity of the Italian senate, with its grave 
and distinguished membership, goes far toward recall- 
ing the time when the Roman senate seemed like an 
assembly of kings. The call of the nation in the great 
crises of modern times has found response in deeds of 
valor and consecration worthy to stand beside those of 
the Decii and Regulus. 


THE CITY OF THE SOUL 581 


Yet, impressive as are the remains of the ancient 
empire, Rome is far from being a city of a single in- 
terest or of a single period. Her appeal is as broad and 
as deep as humanity itself. 

This is not the rhetorical claim of enthusiasm. It is 
the sincere and eloquent witness of generations of men 
on whom the spell of Rome has been cast. It is true that 
there are those who do not bear this witness; Rome does 
not yield her secrets in an hour. The shallow, the indo- 
lent, and the hurried may tread her streets and pass 
untouched by the sacred flame; but it is not so with the 
serious, the philosophic, and the sensitive of soul. To 
them, Rome is not a mere Italian city on the main- 
travelled road from the Alps to the southern sea, nor 
yet only the scene of sometime grandeur which custom 
constrains them to visit; but a city which is still the 
capital of the most widespread empire in existence, the 
goal of profane as well as pious pilgrimage, within 
whose walls are spoken the languages of the world; the 
Inn of the Universe as truly now as in the days of the 
emperors. | 

But Rome is not cosmopolitan merely in the ordinary 
sense. The culture and the religion of the modern day 
are not all she represents. She stands as well for all the 
past. She represents the sum of human experience in 
the western world. From the beginnings of history in 
Italy to the present day, she has passed through and 
participated in all the vicissitudes of ancient and mod- 
ern times. Rising as older civilizations fell, Roman civi- 
lization continued and perpetuated what was best in 
them. Gradually expanding until her realm included 
all Latium, all Italy, all that was possible in her times 


582 ETERNAL ROME 


of Europe, Africa, and Asia, besides the near-by islands 
of the sea, Rome of the Empire came to include within 
her borders all the known world and all the life of west- 
ward-marching civilization. Whatever had evolved from 
the experience of mankind in the most diverse and 
widely distant climes,—from the experience of Egypt, 
ancient of days, of the gorgeous east, of intellectual and 
scientific Greece, of Palestine that walked with God, of 
enterprising Carthage, of the rugged and unspoiled na- 
tions of northern and western Kurope,—passed into the 
keeping of the city which ruled them from the banks of 
the Tiber. She was the heir of all the ages. The words of 
the eloquent historian of the Holy Roman empire may 
be used of the city of the ancient as well as of the medie- 
val empire: “Into her all the life of the ancient world 
was gathered.” 

And she not only became possessed of what the world 
could give; she set upon it her seal. With unequalled 
genius for converting into actual life whatever was 
capable of service, she selected from the store that be- 
came hers all that could be of use in the constitution of 
the new culture. The art, literature, science, inventions, 
philosophy, religions, and institutions of her subject 
states she took to herself, so far as appropriation was 
possible, set upon them the seal of practical value, con- 
served them, and sent them forth for the healing of the 
nations of modern times. 

Rome was not only the conserver of what was worth 
while in ancient days, but the dispenser of what has 
entered into modern life. She gathered together the 
precious metal of ancient civilization, fused and coined 
it anew, and put it once more into circulation. She was 
the lens which received, condensed, and transmitted the 


THE CITY OF THE SOUL 5838 


rays of human experience. She was the bridge to which 
all the ways of the old pagan times converged, and from 
which diverged all the ways of Christian times. She was 
the channel into which the streams of ancient civiliza- 
tion flowed together to mingle their waters before being 
swept on to divide and subdivide into the currents of 
modern civilization. The legacy of preceding ages, ad- 
ministered and increased by her, became the inheritance 
of ages succeeding. “Into her all the life of the ancient 
world was gathered, out of her all the life of the mod- 
ern world arose.” Whatever in the culture of our own 
day is held dear,—in art, literature, learning, in juristic 
or religious institutions,—is traceable first to Italy of 
the Renaissance, and then to ancient Rome, where it 
either came into being or was adapted to the needs of 
practical experience. The generations of today are 
still subjects of the empire of Rome. Her line has gone 
out through all the earth, and her words to the end of 
the world,—to Africa, to Gaul, to Spain, to northern 
and eastern Europe, to the British isles, to the Americas, 
to Japan and the Philippines, to Asia. The Roman 
empire has girdled the earth. 

And not only has Rome been the channel through 
which has flowed the current of occidental civilization, 
but her waters have never ceased to flow. She has never 
lost her hold upon the life of the world. Memphis and 
Thebes, Babylon and Nineveh, representing great civi- 
lizations, perished before Rome had come into her in- 
heritance, and have lain dead through all the ages under 
an ever-deepening mantle of dust. Athens disappeared 
for centuries from the world’s visible activities, a ham- 
let of Turkish hovels. But Rome has been unlike all 


584 ETERNAL ROME 


these. It was not idle fancy, but the intuition of the 
prophet, that bestowed upon her the name of URBs 
MTERNA: THE ETERNAL ciTy. Repeatedly conquered 
and put to the sack, phoenix-like she has ever risen again 
and resumed her part in the drama of life. Apart from 
the times when her population has temporarily fled 
from the horrors of murder and rapine, she has never 
ceased to be dwelt in, has never ceased to be intimately 
concerned in the world’s life. She has always been a 
capital. With few of the physical, commercial, or strate- 
gic advantages of great cities, she became the military 
and political capital of the ancient world; when that 
supremacy had passed, she became the spiritual head 
of the medieval and modern world; and when Italy 
had finally freed herself from the bond of the stranger 
and was ready to become for the first time in history 
a national unit, 1t was Rome, despite the opposition of 
papal sympathizers, despite the superior practical claims 
of other great cities of Italy, for which the citizens of 
the peninsula and the onlookers of the whole world 
clamored as the capital of the new state. 

Thus it is that Eternal Rome is the one place in all 
the world where the student may be stimulated to pass 
in review the whole course of western history. Nor is it 
the stimulation of a mere abstraction. The “lone mother 
of dead empires” has preserved more than merely site 
and name in common with the city of the past. Of all 
the long ages through which she has played her promi- 
nent part, from the Palatine settlement to the present 
day, there is no period of which she does not present 
some visible sign in the monuments within or near her 
walls. The prehistoric past is to be read in the earliest 





THE CHURCH OF SAINT PETER, FEBRUARY 12, 1922 


PIUS THE ELEVENTH HAS JUST BEEN CROWNED, 
AND IS ABOUT TO APPEAR IN THE BALCONY 
TO IMPART HIS BENEDICTION 


REPRODUCED FROM A COMMERCIAL PHOTOGRAPH 


™ 


Mee 


ee 





THE CITY OF THE SOUL 585 


cemeteries of Forum and Esquiline and on the museum 
shelves they have served to fill; the life of the cave has 
not disappeared from the tufa rocks of Parioli; the 
hillocks and ravines of the Campagna tell the tale of 
the geologic age. Of all the various lands whose culture 
she utilized in the fabric of her own civilization, of all 
the widely separated climes upon whose life she has 
reacted, from Egypt and Greece to the states of modern 
Europe, there is none of which she does not afford 
concrete representation somewhere in her streets, mu- 
seums, galleries, and libraries. There are obelisk and 
tomb and statue from Egypt; there are hoards of coins 
from the England of Alfred’s time; there are the busts 
of emperors from Spain and Africa and Thrace; there 
are gods from the Orient; there is all the life of the 
German on the upper Rhine and the Dacian on the 
lower Danube to be read on the imperial columns; the 
history of the Middle Age and of the nations of modern 
times is recorded in her manuscripts and on her monu- 
ments. Of all the phases of the religious experience 
through which mankind in Europe and the west has 
passed, her Church has retained the essential. It is ready 
to minister to every obedient soul, whatever its position 
in the scale of rank or intellect; it serves the poor and 
the rich, the nameless and the known, the humble and 
the proud, the ignorant and the enlightened, the super- 
stitious and the rational, the democrat and the aristocrat, 
the young and the old, the white and the black and the 
yellow and the brown, the simple and the splendid. It 
is as comprehensive and as contradictory and as human 
as mankind itself. The study of the monuments and 
life of Rome is the study of human culture and its 


586 ETERNAL ROME 


sources, and their appreciation is the appreciation of 
western history. Rome is the epitome of occidental 
civilization. 


The flame of Rome’s destiny burns serenely and 
clear. The greatness of her past has made her future 
forever sure. ‘That she will ever again possess the su- 
preme political and military importance once hers can 
hardly be conceived,—unless indeed the failure of coal 
and oil and iron shall humble the proud and restore the 
parity of ancient times. With the conquest, amalgama- 
tion, and civilization of the world, and with the preser- 
vation through her Church of its cultural unity dur- 
ing the Dark Ages, she fulfilled her mission in that 
field. In the world of the arts and learning, too, it may 
be that she has performed the task assigned to her by 
Providence in the encouragement, conservation, and dis- 
semination, through the same instrumentality, of the in- 
tellectual achievements of Greek, Roman, and Renais- 
sance times. Of her mission in the realm of religion, it 
may here be said only that imagination will not conceive 
of her ceasing to be the capital of the great masses of 
Christendom. 

But whatever her political, intellectual, or ecclesiasti- 
cal part in the affairs of the future, Rome will never lose 
her importance in the history of human culture. In the 
domain of the spirit, she will indeed be the Eternal City. 
So long as the civilization of Italy, Kurope, and the 
western world shall be conscious of its origin and of its 
progress from age to age, she will continue to be the 
one point on the surface of the earth where the white 
man may best pause to contemplate the cycles of ex- 
perience through which his race has passed, and best 


THE CITY OF THE SOUL 587 


meditate on the frailty of human nature, the mutability 
of fortune, the woeful pageants of “this wide and uni- 
versal theater,” the remoteness and yet the nearness of 
antiquity, the continuity of history, and the divine strain 
in the affairs of men. 


THE END 


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CHRONOLOGY 


Chapter I, 


B.c. 1100 Approximate date of Dorian invasion of Greece. 
1000 Approximate date of northern invaders’ arrival in 
Latium. 
800 Approximate date of Etruscan arrival in Italy. 


Chapter IT. 


753 Traditional date of the founding of Rome. 
510-509 Expulsion of the kings and beginning of the Re- 
public. 


Chapter III. 


494 Beginning of tribunate of the people. 

493 Rome at the head of the Latin league. 

480 Defeat of Carthaginians by Sicilian Greeks at the 
Himera. 

474 Defeat of Carthaginians and Etruscans by Greeks at 
Cume. 

449 The Twelve Tables. 

445 Plebeians win right to intermarriage with patricians. 

443 Censorship established. 

431 Roman supremacy from Fidene to Tarracina. 

400-200 Planting of Roman colonies in Italy. 

396 Fall of Veii. 

390 Approximate date of taking of Rome by Gauls. 

367 Licinian laws; first plebeian consul. 

351 First plebeian censor. 

388 Final defeat of Latin allies. 

337 First plebeian pretor. 

290 Samnite wars end with submission to Rome. 

272 Fall of Tarentum and control of southern Italy. 

252 First plebeian pontifex maximus. 

265-241 First Punic war. 


DOO? ETERNAL ROME 


238-149 Cato. 

218-202 Second Punic war. 

197 Defeat of Macedonians at Cynoscephale and liberation 
of Greece. 

190 The Romans in Asia. 

185 Death of Scipio Africanus. 

168 Pydna and the subjugation of Macedon. 

149 Death of Cato. 


Chapter IV. 


149-146 Third Punic war. 

146 Destruction of Carthage and Corinth. 

140 War in Lusitania. 

153-133 War in Spain; the fall of Numantia. 

133 Death of Tiberius Gracchus. 

121 Death of Gaius Gracchus. 

102-101 Victories of Marius and Catulus over Cimbri and 
Teutons. 

102-88 Marian influence. 

90-89 Social war; the Italians win rights from Rome. 

88-78 Sullan régime. 

86 Death of Marius. 

70-66 Rise of Pompey. 

63 Cicero’s consulship and the conspiracy of Catiline. 

62 Death of Catiline. 

58-49 Cesar’s conquest of Gaul. 

48-44 Cesarian régime. 

43 Death of Cicero. 

42-28 Establishment of the Augustan régime. 

27-14 a.p. Reign of Augustus. 


Chapter V. 


B.c. 1000 The earliest Greeks in Italy at Cume. 
735 Beginning of active colonial movement to Italy and 
Sicily. 
600 Approximate date of the founding of Marseilles. 
583 First statue of a deity at Rome. 


CHRONOLOGY 591 


578-534 Traditional date of Servian reform. : 


431 
293 
272 


240 
217 
212 
197 


168 
173 
161 
155 
150 
146 


Temple to Apollo vowed. 

The worship of sculapius brought to Rome. 

Conquest of Magna Grecia and beginning of active 
Greek influence. 

First Greco-Roman poems and plays. 

All the principal Greek deities now established at Rome. 

Capture of Syracuse with Greek spoils, 

Flamininus and the liberation of the Greek cities from 
Macedon. 

Paullus’ defeat of Perseus and tour of Greek centers. 

Dismissal of Epicurean teachers from Rome. 

Banishment of Greek philosophers and rhetors. 

Dismissal of Greek philosopher-envoys from Rome. 

The stone theater ordered down. 

Sack of Corinth. 


106-43 Cicero. 

96-55 Lucretius. 
70-19 Virgil. 

65-8 Horace. 

63-14 a.p. Augustus. 


Chapter VI. 


14-37 Tiberius. 


37 
41 
54 


Caligula. 
Claudius; expedition to Britain. 
Nero. 


68-69 Galba, Otho, Vitellius. 


69 
79 
81 
96 
98 
Hale 
138 
161 
180 


Vespasian. 

Titus; Jerusalem. 

Domitian. 

Nerva. 

Trajan; Dacia and the east. 
Hadrian. 

Antoninus Pius. 

Marcus Aurelius; the north. 
Commodus. 


592 ETERNAL ROME 
Chapter VII. 


193 Pertinax and Julianus. 

198 Septimius Severus. 

211 Caracalla. 

217 Macrinus. 

218 Heliogabalus. 

222 Alexander Severus. 

235 Maximin. 

238-244 The three Gordians. 

244 Philip the Arab. 

249 Decius. 

251 Gallus. 

253 Valerian. 

260 Gallienus. 

268 Claudius Gothicus. 

270 Aurelian. 

275 Tacitus. 

276 Probus. 

282 Carus. 

283-284 Carinus and Numerian. 
284 Diocletian. 

306 Maxentius. 

306 Constantine. 

3837 Constantius. 

361 Julian. 

363 Jovian. 

864 Valentinian and Valens. 
366-384 Damasus bishop of Rome. 
366 Pretextatus pretor of Rome. 
375-383 Gratian. 

379 Theodosius. 

392-394 Rebellion of Eugenius. 
395 Honorius. 

395-408 The poet Claudian flourishes. 
340-402 circa The orator and consul Symmachus. 


CHRONOLOGY 593 
Chapter VIII. 


58 Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. 
64 Nero’s persecution. 
84-96 Domitian. 
111-113 Pliny and the Christians in Bithynia. 
124 circa Hadrian’s rescript. 
160 circa Birth of Tertullian. 
164 and 167 circa Persecutions of Marcus Aurelius. 
210 circa Persecution of Severus. 
217 Calixtus I. 
235-238 Maximin. 
249-251 Decius. 
251-252 Gallus. 
257-258 Valerian’s persecution. 
269-270 Persecutions of Claudius and Aurelian. 
303-305 Diocletian’s persecution. 
313 Edict of Constantine. 
341 Prohibition of sacrifices. 
348-420 Jerome. 
354-430 Augustine. 
361-363 Julian’s attempt to revive paganism. 
366-384 Damasus; rioting Christians. 
379-395 Reign of Theodosius. Prohibition of pagan worship 
and confiscation of temples. 
374-397 Ambrose bishop of Milan. 
387 Augustine baptized at Milan. 
394 Momentary revival of paganism under Eugenius. 


Chapter LX. 


404 Visit of Honorius to Rome. 

410 Alaric takes the city. 

440-461 Leo I. 

455 Genseric sacks Rome. 

472 Siege of Rome and death of Anthemius. 
476 Odoacer succeeds Romulus Augustulus. 
489-526 Theodoric the Ostrogoth. 


594 ETERNAL ROME 


586-567 Goth and Byzantine: Vitiges and Belisarius; Totila 
and Narses. 
590-604 Gregory I. 
568-774 The Lombard supremacy. 
754,756 Pepin in Italy. 
800-888 Charlemagne and the Carolingians. 
845-857 Leo IV; Saracen invasion; building of Leonine walls. 
888-962 Varied control of Rome: Marozia, Theodora, Hugo, 
Alberic. 
962-1024 Otto I and the Saxon line. 
1024-1125 The Franconians. 
1078-1085 Gregory VII. 
1077 Gregory VII and Henry IV at Canossa. 
1084 Robert Guiscard’s sack of Rome. 
1096-1291 The crusades. 
1125-1254 The Hohenstaufen. 
1190 Death of Barbarossa. 
1182-1226 Saint Francis of Assisi. 
1198-1216 Innocent III. 
1250 Death of Frederick IT. 
1265 Charles of Anjou senator of Rome. 
1265-1821 Dante. 
1267-1337 Giotto. 
13804-1874 Petrarch. 
13805-1877 The papacy at Avignon. 
1347 Cola di Rienzo tribune of Rome. 


Chapter X. 


1877 Return of the papacy under Gregory XI. 

1417 Martin V, Colonna, and the end of the forty years’ 
schism. 

1431 Eugenius IV, Condolmieri. 

1444-1510 Botticelli. 

1444-1514 Bramante. 

1446-1524 Perugino. 

1447 Nicholas V, Parentucelli. 

1452-1519 Leonardo da Vinci. 

1455 Calixtus III, Borgia. 


CHRONOLOGY 595 


1458 Pius II, Piccolomini. 
1464 Paul II, Barbo. 

1471 Sixtus IV, Rovere. 
1475-1564 Michelangelo. 
1481-1537 Peruzzi. 
1483-1520 Raphael. 

1484 Innocent VIII, Cibo. 
1485-1546 Sangallo the younger. 
1492 Alexander VI, Borgia. 
1503 Julius II, Rovere. 
1507-1573 Vignola. 

1513 Leo X, Medici. 

1522 Hadrian VI, Dedel. 
1523 Clement VII, Medici. 


Chapter XI, 


1525 Defeat of Francis I, ally of Clement VII, at Pavia. 

1527 Sack of Rome by the constable of Bourbon, general of 
Charles V. 

1584 Paul III, Farnese, and the counter-Reformation. 

1541-1604 Della Porta. 

1550 Julius III, Del Monte. 

1555 Paul IV, Caraffa. 

1556-1629 Maderna. 

1559 Pius IV, Medici. 

1566 Pius V, Ghislieri. 

1572 Gregory XIII, Boncompagni. 

1585 Sixtus V, Peretti. 

1590 Urban VII, Castagna. 

1591 Innocent IX, Facchinetti. 

1592 Clement VIII, Aldobrandini. 

1598-1680 Bernini. 

1599-1667 Borromini. 

1605 Paul V, Borghese. 

1621 Gregory XV, Ludovisi. 

1628 Urban VIII, Barberini. 

1644 Innocent X, Pamfili. 

1655 Alexander VII, Chigi. 


596 ETERNAL ROME 


1667 Clement IX, Rospigliosi. 
1670 Clement X, Altieri. 

1676 Innocent XI, Odescalchi. 
1689 Alexander VIII, Ottobuoni. 
1691 Innocent XII, Pignatelli. 
1700 Clement XI, Albani. 

1721 Innocent XIII, De Conti. 
1724 Benedict XIII, Orsini. 
1730 Corsini, Clement XII. 

1740 Benedict XIV, Lambertini. 
1758 Clement XIII, Rezzonico. 
1769 Clement XIV, Ganganelli. 
1775 Pius VI, Braschi. | 





Chapter XII. 


1749-1808 Alfieri. 

1785-1873 Manzoni. 

1789-1854 Pellico. 

1789-1815 French revolution and Napoleon. 
1796 Cisalpine republic. 

1798 Roman republic. 

1798-1837 Leopardi. 

1799 Death of Pius VI in exile. 

1800-1828 Pius VII, Chiaramonti. 

1804 French empire absorbs Rome. 

1805 End of Holy Roman empire; kingdom of Italy. 
1805-1872 Mazzini. 

1807-1882 Garibaldi. 

1808 Rise of the Carbonari. 

1810-1861 Cavour. 

1809 Captivity of Pius VII. 

1814 Return of Pius VII. 

1815 Return of the despots. 

1820-1821 Risings in Naples and Piedmont. 
1820-1878 Victor Emmanuel. 

1823 Leo XII, Della Genga. 

1829 Pius VIII, Castiglione. 

1830 Paris revolution. 


1831 
1834 


1834- 


1846 


1848- 


1850 
1851 
1859 


1860 
1860 
1861 
1866 
1867 
1870 


1871 
1876 
1878 
1878 
1882 
1896 
1900 
1903 


19 D1- 


1914 


1915- 


1922 


1922- 


CHRONOLOGY 597 


Gregory XVI, Capellari; risings; Young Italy. 

Garibaldi’s attempt on Piedmont, and flight. 

1848 Garibaldi in South America. 

Pius IX, Mastai. 

1849 Constitution of Charles Albert; flight of Pius IX; 
Roman republic. 

Return of Pius IX. 

Napoleon III. 

French and Italians defeat the Austrians; cession of 
Lombardy. 

Garibaldi and the Thousand. 

Annexation of Emilia, Tuscany, and the papal states. 

First Italian parliament at Turin; death of Cavour. 

War with Austria and cession of Venetia. 

Garibaldi’s defeat at Mentana. 

The Italian army enters Rome. 


Chapter XIII. 


The government transferred to Rome. 

The liberals in control. 

Deaths of Victor Emmanuel and Pius IX. 

Humbert; Leo XIII, Pecci. 

Triple Alliance; death of Garibaldi. 

Marriage of Victor Emmanuel and Helen of Montenegro. 

Victor Emmanuel IIT. 

Pius X, Sarto. 

1918 War with Turkey; annexation of Tripoli. 

Benedict XV, Della Chiesa. 

1918 The Great War; annexation of Trieste and the 
Trentino. 

Pius XI, Ratti; the fascisti assume the government. 

1924 Mussolini with full powers. 


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NOTES 


The plan and the scope of Errernat Rome will have made 
clear the reason for such omissions as may disappoint the 
reader in search of special detail. It is not meant for the 
specialist, except as it may help him to the sense of proportion 
and continuity. It is written chiefly for those who feel the need 
of large vision, and who will be thankful for such vision of the 
city which has been continuously dwelt in for upwards of 
thirty centuries, for twenty centuries has played a leading part 
on the stage of occidental life, and is still more than any other 
spot the capital city of the world. Its origin was in the inspira- 
tion of residence as student and lecturer in the American Acad- 
emy in Rome. 

The notes which follow, and especially the bibliography com- 
prised by them, are not intended to be exhaustive, or even 
extensive, but only to indicate main currents of information, 
which will themselves conduct those who desire it back to more 
devious tributaries; and no pretence is made to conclusive dis- 
cussion in matters of controversy which from the nature of 
the case will never cease to be such. 


CHAPTER I 
Page , 


3. The submerged area extended to the Apennines at Lucca 
and Pistoia, and was marked in the north by many 1is- 
lands ; but our interest will be confined to the portion ly- 
ing south of Soracte and the lake of Bracciano and 
including the Alban mountains. These are roughly the 
limits of the Roman Campagna. The term Latium will 
denote the wider area including also the borders of the 
Apennines. 

3-7. For the geology of Latium: Brocchi, Dello stato fisico 
del suolo di Roma, 1820; Paolo Mantovani, in Mono- 
grafie della citta di Roma, 1879; Plattner, Bunsen, et al., 
Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, I, p. 45. 


600 


ETERNAL ROME 


For the geology of Rome: A. Verri, Carta geografica 
di Roma, Novara, 1915. Verri distinguishes the following 
geologic planes: 1, sediment of the open sea; 2, coast 
and marsh deposits; 3, lower tufa, dark or yellowish 
grey; 4, lower pozzolana or ash, blackish or ruddy- 
brown; 5, upper pozzolana, ruddy or violet-brown, 
largely converted by the action of water into the tufa of 
the Roman builders; 6, fluvio-lacustrine deposits; 7, 
lacustrine deposits and alluvium with ruins and débris. 
Many of these planes are easily detected, but it must not 
be supposed that they are all to be read in any single 
place. Volcanic upheaval and rushing water confused 
and sometimes even obliterated them. 


There were plenty of Chelléen and Moustérien men in 
central Italy not far from Latium, as well as in other 
parts of the peninsula; to deny all significance to the 
isolated paleolithic finds in the gravel of the Tiber and 
Anio and elsewhere, and to say that no men of the old 
stone age saw Latium, is austere treatment of evidence. 
For early Italian race-character and movement: Peet, 
The Stone and Bronze Ages in Italy and Sicily, Oxford, 
1909. See also Sergi, The Mediterranean Race, English 
edition, 1901; and, for greater detail, Pigorini, Le pid 
antiche civilta dell’ Italia, in Bullettino di paletnologia 
italiana, vol. xxix, and Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poe- 
bene, Leipzig, 1879, and Leopold, Mededeelingen van het 
Neederlandsch Historisch Instituut te Rome, 1922. 

The custom of painting the bones was known also in the 
Balkans. 

Sergi has the Mediterranean race originate in north- 
eastern Africa and cross to Europe through Crete and 
Asia Minor (Pelasgians), Spain (Iberians), and Sicily. 
Peet thinks that it entered Italy through both Sicily 


NOTES 601 


(Proto-Sicilians) and Spain and France (Ligurians). 
The African branch is called Libyan. 

Wace, Literary Supplement of the London Times, Oct. 
13, 1921, p. 660, attributes the building of Mycenxan 
walls in Greece to the Achzans. 

Pigorini sees the successive inhabitants of Italy as fol- 
lows: 1, palzolithic cave-men; 2, neolithic Ibero-Ligu- 
rians, bringing hut-building but also inhabiting the 
paleolithic caves; 38, new race, Aryan, over the central 
Alps, eneolithic, lake-dwellers, bringing cremation; 4, 
second invasion, over eastern Alps, full bronze, lake- 
dwellers and terramara men; 5, partial emigration to 
Etruria and Latium, where the Villanova culture is de- 
veloped. 

Brizio, Epoca preistorica, p. xlu ff., differs from Pigo- 
rini: 1 and 2, the same; 3, the lake-dwellers and terra- 
mara men are not a new race, but the Ibero-Ligurians 
developed ; 4, the terramare are a development of the hut- 
villages, which are a transition to them from the earlier 
hut-habitations of the Ibero-Ligurians; 5, same as Pigo- 
rini; 6, conquest by the Etruscans, in the fifth century, 
of the terramara civilization in Umbria and the Emilia. 

Peet, p. 510, concludes with Pigorini that lake- 
dwellers and terramara men came from central Europe. 

Helbig’s view that it was the Etruscans who crossed 
the Alps and crowded the terramara people out of the 
Po valley receives little support. 

A cemetery near Castel Gandolfo, on the rim of the 
Alban lake, was found in 1817 resting in a stratum of 
50 inches of yellow volcanic ash covered, first, by a thin 
stratum of vegetable soil, second, by 86 inches of pepe- 
rino, and, third, by a stratum of soil 14 inches deep: 
Lanciani, Ancient Rome, II. 

10, §2. The picture is Helbig’s. 


602 


ETERNAL ROME 
CHAPTER II 


21-23. Platner, Topography and Monuments of Rome, re- 


vised, Boston, 1911, IV. 


24-31. Aineid, VII, 25-36; VIII, 26-65, 102-370; Tibullus, 


II, 5, 23-38; Ovid, Fasti, I, 243-248, VI, 401-414; Cic- 
ero, De Republica, IL; Livy, I. Translations are by the 
author unless otherwise stated. 


$2-42. Platner, Early Legends and Recent Discoveries, Classi- 


34. 


35. 


37. 
38. 
39. 
46. 


cal Journal, I, 8, 78-83, suggests the general relation of 
the monuments of early Rome to the ancient traditional 
accounts. 

For the earliest burial-places, in the Forum and on the 
Esquiline: Platner, 188, 445. 

For commercial movement in Latin Italy for the period 
covered by this chapter: Louise E. W. Adams, 4 Study 
in the Commerce of Latiwm, Northampton, Mass., 1921; 
Tenney Frank, An Economic History of Rome, Balti- 
more, 1920, 1-35. 

In the matter of the stages through which the early city 
passed, what may be called the canonical account is here 
adopted. Its clearest statement is in Platner, IV. In 
spite of objections, it remains the most satisfactory and 
best attested account of the rise of historic Rome. 

Livy, V, 54, 4. 

Cicero, De Republica, II, 6, 11. 

On the Etruscans and Rome: Frank, II; Adams, V. 

On primitive Roman religion: Warde Fowler, T'he Reli- 
gious Experience of the Roman People, London, 1911, VI 
and VII; Carter, The Religion of Numa, 1906, 1-61; 
Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Romer, Munich, ed. of 
1912, 18-38. 


49, §3. Not the Servian wall, which in its final form could not 


have been built in the time of the kings; but the preceding 


NOTES 603 


circuit of defence, either on or near the line of the Servian 
wall, which we must assume to have enclosed the city of 
the later kings. 


CHAPTER III 


61. ‘Tables of these colonies may be found in Heitland, The 
Roman Republic, Cambridge, 1909, I, 172, 222. 


67. ‘These figures are from Livy and the perioche. 

67-70. For individual monuments: Platner; Carter-Huelsen, 
The Roman Forum. 

70. The naval yards: Livy, XLII, 27, 1. 

70, §8. The legendary events commemorated by these extio- 
logical monuments are narrated in Livy, I, 4, 26, 36, 
45; 11, 10. 

71. Livy, XXXIV, 4, 4; XL, 5,7; Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 
IT, 96. 

72-74, Livy, XXIV, 47, 16; XX XV, 40, '7; XXXIV, 44, 7; 
DRUID Dig) NOR NW LID 28 040s: XT 21 Gy 
10, 6. 

74, §2. Livy, XLI, 8, 6-7; XX XIX, 3, 4. 

74, §8. Frank, 51 ff. 


17. Aineid, LX, 601-612; Ennius, Annales, XV, 401-409 
(Vahlen). 

78. Livy, XLII, 34. 

80. XXITI, 12. 

80-81. Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Republic; 
Tomassetti, La Campagna romana, I, 98. 

81, 1. 15. Livy, III, 26, 7-12. 

81-82. Cicero, De Senec., 56; Cato, De Agri Cultura, Pre- 
fatio; Varro, Rer. Rust., I, 1, 1; Horace, Odes, ITI, 6. 

82. Frank, VII, on industry and commerce. 

83, 1.1. Livy, X XI, 63, 3. 

83, §1. Frank, VI. 


604 ETERNAL ROME 


84. Livy, XXIII, 14, 1; IV, 45, 2. 

85. Cicero, Brutus, 25, 95-96. 

86. Lucilius (Marx), 13826-1388. 

87. Quintilian, I, 6, 40; Horace, Epistles, II, 1, 86. 

87-88. Wissowa, 504 ff.; Fowler, 34-35. 

88, ll. 21-28. Livy, XXXII, 1, 9; XX XIX, 7, 8; II, 86; 
Periocha XIX; Cicero, De Div., I, 16, 29. 

89. Livy, XLIII, 13, 1-2. 

90. Wissowa, pp. 47 ff.; Showerman, The Great Mother of 
the Gods, Madison, Wisconsin, 1901. 

90. Orig., V, 1; Livy, XXI, 1. 

91. XXII, 7, 6-14. 

91-98. Livy, XXII, 32, 9; 86, 9; 37, 1-12; 38, 1-5; XXII, 
49, 15-17; 55, 6-8; 58, 6-9; 57, 9-10; 61, 1-4, 11-15. 

93, §2. XXXIV, 6, 11-14. 

93. X XVI, 10,3; 11, 5-7. 

94. XLII, 62, 11 and 18. 

94-99. For individual characters, see index of Livy. 

96-97. Decius: Cicero, De Finibus, II, 61; Tusc. Disp., I, 
89 (cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Real. Encyc., 2284). 

97, §2. Livy, IX, 16, 12; Perioche, XI-XIV, Val. Max., IV, 
3, 5, Cic., De Senec., 48 and 55; De Senec., 16; Plut., 
Pyrrhus, 20; Cic., De Senec., 15; Aul. Gell., III, 8; 
Hor., Odes, III, 5; Cic., De Senec., 44; Livy, X XI, 46; 
XXVI, 50; XXXII, 51. 

97, §8. Hor., Odes, 1,12; Cic., De Senec., 10-12. 

100-102. Plut., Cato, tr. by Perrin (Loeb Library); Livy, 
XXXIV, 18; XX XIX, 40; Cic., De Senec. 

103. Livy, V, 21, 9. 

103, §2. Livy, XXIV, 39; XXXI, 46, 16; XXXVI, 24, 7; 
XL, 38. 

104. Curculio, 466-484. 

105. Ennius, Scenica, 319-328. 
Cicero, De Or., I, 276. 

105, §8. Plutarch, Cato. 





106. 
107. 


NOTES 605 


Livy, TX, 17, 14; Plut., Pyrrhus, 19. 
LavysnVs cis: 


CHAPTER IV 


111-122. For the period from Cato’s death to the end of the 


Lhe 
Lig9.- 


1238. 


Augustan age: Heitland, The Roman Republic; Firth, 
Augustus. For the expansion of Rome in general: Frank, 
Roman Imperialism. 

Livy, Prefatio, 4. 

Strabo, III, 3, 5, tr. Hamilton; Velleius Paterculus, II, 
90, 4. 


Platner, 57-64. 


124, §2. Strabo, V, 3, 5. 


126. 


127. 
128. 
129. 


1380. 
133. 


134. 
135. 


137. 
139. 
141. 
144. 
145. 


Horace, Odes, II, 15, 12-20; Cicero, Ad Att., I, 6, 8, 9, 
10; Pliny, N. H., XXXVI, 7 and 114; Strabo, V, 3, 7. 
Res Geste Divi Augusti, Mommsen, Berlin (1883). 
Suetonius, Augustus, 29, tr. Rolfe (Loeb Library). 
Strabo, V, 8, 7: “Such is the Roman rampart, which 
seems to stand in need of other ramparts itself.” 
Strabo, V, 3, 8, tr. Hamilton. 

Hor., Sat., I, 9, Odes, III, 80; Prop., I, 81; Hor., Car- 
men Sec. Altar of Peace: Platner. 

Ovid, Amores, III, 2. 

Polyb., VI, 538, 6; Serv., Ad Aen., VI, 861; Suet., Aug., 
100. 


Frank, An Economic History of Rome, X. 

De Petit. Cons., 54. 

Livy, XXXIV, 1; XX XIX, 6, 7-9. 

Suet., Aug., 99. 

Livy, Praf., IV, 6, 12; Hor., Odes, III, 6, 45-48. 


606 


156. 
159. 


176. 
178. 
180. 
181. 


182. 
183. 


BS By 


Loe 
193. 


194. 


195. 


ETERNAL ROME 
CHAPTER V 


Adams, III; Wissowa, I, 3, pp. 60-75. 
Duff, Literary History of Rome, II. 


Cic., De Or., 1, 158-159; Showerman, Cicero’s Apprecia- 
tion of Art, in Am. Jour. Phil., X XV, 306-314. 
Showerman, Horace and His Influence, 23-48, Boston, 
1922. 

Livy, XL, 29. 

Athenod., XII, 547; Plut., Cato, X XII. 

Pro Flac., IV, 9, 12, 16. 

De Rep., Il, 4, 8; Livy, XX XI, 44, 9. In general: Ma- 
haffy, The Greek World Under Roman Sway, London, 
1890. 


CHAPTER VI 


Cumont, Comment la Belgique fut romanisée, second ed., 
Brussels, 1919, pp. 11, 105; Haverfield, The Romaniza- 
tion of Roman Britain, third ed., Oxford, 1914, p. 81; 
Cumont, 6; Plut., 32, in Mahaffy, 308. 

Cumont, 95, 96. 

Gibbon, ch. 3. 

Pliny, ILI, 66-67. 

Strabo, V, 3, 7-8. 

For the fires: Jordan, Topographie der Stadt Rom wm 
Alterthwm (Huelsen), Berlin, 1906, I, 1, 482; Fried- 
laender, Sittengeschichte Roms, ninth ed., Leipzig, 1919, 
ie, 


198-200. Platner, index. 


200. 


203. 


Pliny, XXXVI, 128; Fowler, Social Life at Rome in the 
Time of Cicero, London, 1908, 39-42. 


Frank, 158; Dill, Social Life in Rome from Nero to 
Marcus Aurelius, London, 1905, 69. 








NOTES 607 


205. Frank, 159-162. 

209 ff. For the morals of the Empire: Dill, I and II; Fried- 
laender, II, IV, and V. 

216. Juv., VIII, 20; X, 363; XIV, 47; Tac., IV, 62-63. 

217. Tac., XV, 638. 

220. Frank, 186, 137. 

222-223. Dill, 76, on women. 

223. Tac., XI, 21: Curtius Rufus videtur mihi ex se natus; 
Plut., De Is., 66, 79. 


CHAPTER VII 


234. Dill, Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western 
Empire, London, 1899, book III 


242. Claudian, De Bello Gild., '70; 17-27. 
243. Symmachus, Relationes, III (Epist., X, 54, 9); Pru- 
dentius, Contra Sym., II, 635-648. 


245 ff. Platner, index. 

247. Curiosum and Notitia, in Urlichs, Codex Urbis Topo- 
graphicus; or in Richter, Topographie der Stadt Rom, 
371-391. 

249. Claudian, De Sexto Cons. Hon., 35-52. 

250. Am. Marc., XIV, 6. 

252. XVI, 10. 

256. XIV, 6; XXVIII, 4; the substance of the two passages 

is here woven together. 
For appreciations of Ammianus, Claudian, Symmachus, 
Julian, Macrobius, Ausonius, and other representative 
characters of the fourth century: Glover, Life and Let- 
ters in the Fourth Century, Cambridge, 1901. 

264. Dill, 149. 

267. On military decadence: Dill, 235; Gibbon, ch. 7. 

269. Dill, 210. 


608 


270. 


yep (tb 


276. 


282. 
2838. 
285. 


289. 
290. 


2958. 
294. 


ETERNAL ROME 


Claudian, De Cons. Stil., III, 186-160; De Bello Goth., 


54. 
Symmachus, Orationes, III, 9. 


CHAPTER VIII 


On the catacombs: Lowrie, Monuments of the Early 
Church, New York, 1901, Il; Marucchi, Eléments d’ar- 
chéologie chrétienne, Rome, 1899, I, livre deuxiéme. 


Marucchi, livre premier; Firth, Constantine, New York, ' 
1905, Il; Acts, X XVIII. 

Tacitus, Ab Exc. Div. Aug., XV, 44. 

Firth, Augustus, 287. 

Pliny, Ad Traianum, 96, 97. 

Tert., Apol., 40; 87; Renan, Marc Auréle, Paris, 447. 
Lowrie, 89; Renan, 451; Burckhardt, Die Zeit Con- 
stantins des Grossen, Leipzig, 1880, 187; Firth, Con- 
stantine, 28. 


Cf. above, pages 46-48. 
Apul., Metam., XI, 5. 


295-297. Cumont, Les religions orientales dans le paganisme 


298. 


304. 
305. 
306. 
307. 


309. 


321. 


romain, Paris, 1907, VII. 
Somn. Scip.; De Senec., 72-85. 


Pliny, Ad Traianum, 96. 

Firth, Constantine, 15. 

Tert., De Spectaculis, 3. 

Firth, 19; Spence-Jones, I'he Early Christians in Rome, 
London, 1910, 193-205. 

Minucius Felix, Octavius, 8-13. 


Jerome, Epist., X XII, 30. On the influence of Cicero on 
the Church: Zielinski, Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhun- 
derte, Leipzig, 1908, pp. 106-145. 


322. 
3238. 


NOTES 609 


For a survey of the arts: Lowrie. 

For the underground basilica, see Curtis, Art and 
Archeology, June, 1920; Cumont, Revue Archéologique, 
1918, VIII, 52. 


324-325. Cumont, Les Mystéres de Mithra, IV; The After 


326. 
327. 


327. 


328. 
328. 
329. 


336. 
337. 
338. 


339. 
340, 


341. 
345. 


348. 
349. 


Life in Paganism, Boston, 1922, VIII. 

The shows in Rome: Rutil. Namat., I, 201-205. 

De Broglie, L’église et Vempire romain au quatriéme 
siécle, L’avertissement, iv. 

Christians reproved by Jerome: Epist. 107, ad Letam; 
22, ad Eustachiwm; cf. Ammianus, X XVII, 38. 

The agape: Lowrie, 51. 

Renan, 629; Codex Theodos. 

Ammianus, XXII, 5, 4; X XVII, 3. 


CHAPTER IX 


Jerome, Epist., LX, 16. 

CXXVII, 12. 

Dill, Society in Rome in the Last Century of the Western 
Empire, 809-312; Rutil. Namat., I. 

Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire, I, 31 ff. 

§2. Gregorovius, History of Rome during the Middle 
Ages, tr. by Annie Hamilton, London, 1900, I, 493 n. 
Much of the detail of this chapter is taken from Grego- 
rovius. 

Homily I on the Gospels, in Gregorovius, II, 36. 

For the theory of the medieval empire: Bryce, The Holy 
Roman Empire, VII. 

Patrimonium: Greg., II, 59-61, 365-370; and below, p. 
469 f. 


Lanciani, The Destruction of Rome, New York, 1899. 
For Alaric in Rome: Greg., I, 117-172; Hodgkin, The In- 


610 


350. 
352. 


353. 
355. 
357. 
359. 
361. 
362. 
365. 
367. 


ETERNAL ROME 


vaders of Italy, Oxford, 1892, book I, chs. 15-17; Lan- 
ciani, V. 

Greg., I, 375-479 ; Hodgkin, book V, chs. 4-9, 17-21. 
Cassiodorus, VIII, 18; VII, 15. 

Greg., I, 81-2. 

Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations, London, 1897, 10-16. 
Marjorian, in Hodgkin, book II, 424. 

Homily XVIII, in Greg., II, 41. 

Greg., IV, 287-254; Lanciani, Destruction, XIV. 

Greg., V, 323-327. 

I, 82-116. 

Lanciani, X VI. 

De Gestis Anglorum, III, 1384; cf. Greg., IV, 249. 


368 ff. Rome in the thirteenth century: Greg., V, 657-680; 


the Campagna: Tomassetti, Campagna Romana, I, 116. 


371-373. Petrarch and Rome in the fourteenth century: Greg., 


380. 
382. 


383. 


385. 
392. 
3935. 
396. 


402. 
403. 
405. 


VI, 319-328. 


The Crusaders: Greg., IV, 287-292. 

Legends: Comparetti, Virgil in the Middle Ages, London, 
1895. 

Urlichs, Codex Urbis Topographicus, 95, 118, 178. 

Cf. I Reali di Francia. 

Nichols, 7'he Marvels of Rome, London, 1889. 

The Graphia: in Nichols. 

Cola di Rienzo: Greg., VI, 217-827. 

Belisarius: Greg., I, 442. 

Tosti, Storia di Bonifazio VIII, u, 284; cf. Greg., V, 560. 


CHAPTER X 


On the state of Rome: Greg., VI, 671-782; VII, 1-88. 
Poggio, De Varietate Fortune, in Greg., VII, 61. 
McKilliam, A Chronicle of the Popes, London, 1912; 
Greg., VII, 580-655; VIII, 120-174. 


NOTES | 611 


412. VIII, 293-411. 
418. VIII, 17. 
421. Egidius of Viterbo, in Greg., VII, 528. 


428-440. The aspect of the city: Ludwig von Pastor, Die 
Stadt Rom zu Ende der Renaissance, Freiburg im 
Breisgau, 1916; Greg., VIII, part 1. 


CHAPTER XI 


443. 'The sack of Rome: Gregorovius, VIII, 500-656. 

446-4583. The architectural growth of the city: Alfred von 
Reumont, Geschichte der Stadt Rom, Berlin, 1867-1870, 
III, 2, 728-735, 738-745. 
The popes: McKilliam, 415-457. 

453-458. Afsthetic, intellectual, and social ministry of Rome: 
Von Reumont, III, 2, 687-826. 

458. Lettres familiéres; cf. Von Reumont, ITI, 2, 824. 

459. The popes of the counter-Reformation: Ranke, History 
of the Popes, tr. Austin, London, 1840, I, 188-2'76, 511; 
II, 3-149; McKilliam. 


462. The growth of the spiritual and temporal power: Beet, 
The Early Roman Episcopate, London, 1918, II-IV, 
VIII, IX; Greg., passim; Ranke, I, 8-33; Halphen, L’ad- 
ministration de Rome au moyen age, Paris, 1907; Grisar, 
Histoire de Rome et des Papes, Paris, 1906. 

466. Jerome, Epist. XXXVI, 1, ad Damasum: postquam 
epistulam tuae sanctitatis accepi. 

469. The patrimonies: Greg., II, 57-62; cf. above, 345, 

A471. Greg., IL, 53. 

475. Halphen, part 2. 


480. The character of the popes: Ranke, I, 241-386; McKil- 
liam, Paul the Third to Gregory the Sixteenth; Ludwig 


612 ETERNAL ROME 


Von Pastor, Die Geschichte der Pépste, Freiburg im 
Breisgau, 1901-1907. 

483. On the papal administrations: Ranke I, 3887-528. 

486. Pasquino: Emilio del Cerro, Roma che ride, 'Turin. 

490. De Brosses, II, 5. 

492. Silvagni, La corte e la societa romana net XVIII e XIX 
secolt, 1881-1885. 

497-498. Grisar, II, 79; Greg., I, 403. 

498. Greg., V, 7. 

502. Montaigne, Journal de Voyage, Paris, 1909, 259-261. 


CHAPTER XII 


Thayer, The Dawn of Italian Independence, Boston, 1899; The 
Life and T'mes of Cavour, Boston, 1911. 

Trevelyan, Garibaldi’s Defence of the Roman Republic, Lon- 
don, 1912; Garibaldi and the Thousand; Garibaldi and 
the Making of Italy, London, 1914. 

Holland, Makers of United Italy, New York, 1908. 

Orsi, Modern Italy, New York, 1900. 


De Cesare, Roma e lo stato del papa, 1850-1870, Rome, 1904. 
Del Cerro, Roma che ride. Gregorovius, Roman Journal of, 
tr. by Annie Hamilton, London, 1907. 


CHAPTER XIII 


Garlanda, The New Italy, New York, 1911. 

Zimmern, Italy of the Italians, London, 1906. 

Villari, Italian Life in Town and Country, New York, 1902. 
Underwood, United Italy, London, 1912. 

Page, Italy and the World War, New York, 1920. 


INDEX 


BBE, Benedetti, 492 
Abib, 384 
Aborigines, 25 
Abraham, 279 
Absalom, 385 
absolutism, 237 
absolutist reaction at Rome, 529 
abuses of papal officials, 543 
academies, 482 
Academy, 427 
Accius, 70 
Acheans, 10 
Acilius Glabrio, 284 
acolytes, 290 
Acqua Claudia, 438; — Felice, 448; 
— Marcia, 546; — Paola, 449, 535 
Acropolis, 152 
Actium, 240 
Actresses, 260 
Acts, The, 282 
Adalberga, 382 
Adam and Eve, 279 
Adams, 549 
Admiralty, 123 
Adriano Castelli, palace, 428 
Adriatic, 56, 57, 61 
Aduatici, 138 
ediles, 141 
/®lian, 220 
fAlius Pettus, Publius, 73 
/Emilians, 203 
fEmilius Lepidus Porcina, Marcus, 
86 
/Emilius Paullus, 98, 99, 112, 136, 
163, 181 
/Eneas, 24-25, 153 
Aineas Sylvius, Commentarii, 405 
Aineas Sylvius on abuse, 418 
/Eneid, 183 
fEquian colonies, 61 
/Equians, 54 
/Esculapius, temple, 431 
/Esernia, 61 
/E sium, 61 
ZEsop, 210 


/Mtna, 4, 156 

Axtolians, 78 

Africa, 57, 101, 1383, 187, 141, 242, 
289, 290, 306, 510, 585 

African, 205, 239 

African conquest, 339; — soil, 98 

Africano, 200 

Africanus, 149 

Agape, 278, 328 

agriculture, 45, 46, 74, 75, 80-84, 140, 
470, 490 

agriculture, primitive, 12 

Agrippa, 25, 128, 130, 387, 576 

Agrippina, 213, 220 

Ahenobarbi, 413 

Aix, 366 

alabaster, 201, 365 

Alan, 336, 342 

Alaric, 248, 326, 338, 349, 353, 393, 
446; — in Italy, 336; — in revolt, 
335; — in Rome, 336 

Alba, 25 

Alba Fucens, 61 

Alba Longa, 15, 25, 27, 28 

Alban crater, 200; — foothills, 22; 
— Hills, 70; — lake, 5; — Mount, 
5, 6, 8, 15, 25, 88, 237, 576; — 
mountains, 40 

Albani, 450, 493 

Albano, 369, 469, 539, 546 

Alban people, 28, 35; — slopes, 70, 
75, 151; — worship, 27 

Albans, 148, 359 

Alberic, 343, 473 

Albigenses, 476 

Albinus, 228 

Alboin, 342 

Albula, 25 

Alcaic, 153 

Aldobrandini, 448, 485 

Aldovrandi guide, 455 

Alemanni, 241 

Alexander, 56, 58, 165, 167, 239 

Alexander VI, 406, 417, 425, 479; — 
and Cesar Borgia, 419 


614 


Alexander Borgia and Pasquino, 486 

Alexander VII, 450, 485 

Alexander Severus, 228, 232, 355 

Alexandria, 56, 167, 189, 330 

Alexandrian period, 165 

Alexandrians, 173 

Alfieri, 457, 458 

Alfonso, 421, 422 

Alfred, 585 

allies, 37, 93 

allocution of Pius IX, 532 

Alpha and Omega, 278 

alphabet, 156, 179 

Alpine people, 43; — race, 39 

Alps, 10, 11, 18, 238, 240, 271, 397, 
508, 581 

Alsium, 61 

Alta Semita, 247 

altar, 311, 575 

altar appointments, 498 

altar of Peace, 124, 183, 172; — of 
Peter, 393; — of Victory, 2438 

altars, 190, 313 

Altieri, Prince, 539, 541 

Altieri, palace, 450 

Amalasuntha, 382 

Ambarvalia, 80, 326 

Amboglanna, 190 


Ambrose, 331, 838, 364; — and 
Theodosius, 466; — converted, 
321 


America, 219, 549 

American Academy, 535 

American envoy, 552 

American Hunters, 514 

American Indian, 34 

Americans, 230 

Amiens, 389 

Ammianus Marcellinus, 239, 249, 
266-268, 270, 329, 331, 466; — on 
bishop of Rome, 497; — on the 
clergy, 327; — on Rome, 250, 252; 
—on the Romans, 256-264 

amnesty of 1850, 553 

Ampelius, 257 

Ampere, 548 

amphitheater, 168, 172, 190, 216, 218, 
248, 307; —-, Castrensian, 863; — 
of Statilius Taurus, 123, 128 

amulets, 328 


INDEX 


Amulius, 25 

amusements, 154, 168, 175, 220 

Anagnia, 89, 93, 484 

anarchy, 117, 127, 282, 402, 478, 567 

Anatolius, 278 

ancient authors, 382 

Ancona, 471, 496, 516; — railway, 
546 

Ancus Martius, 28, 29 

Andrea Fulvio, Antichita di Roma, 
407 

Anibaldi, 361, 369 

animism, 293 

Anio, 3, 6, 15, 21, 93, 129; — aque- 
duct, 70 

Annals of Rome, 161 

anniversaries, 279, 280, 328, 412; — 
of Rome, 392 

Antemne, 15, 26 

Anthemius, 339, 350, 363 

Antioch, 239, 465 

Antiochus, 78, 109, 148 

anti-popes, 358 

antiquities, collection, 413 

Antium, 55, 61 

Antonelli, 494, 518, 550, 551, 554, 555 

Antoninus and Faustina, temple, 199 

Antoninus Pius, 196, 206, 215, 223 

Antonius Luscus, 399 

Antonius the orator, 137 

Antony, 240 

Anxur, 54 

Anxur-Tarracina, 55, 61 

Apennines, 4, 13, 16, 38, 39, 55, 129 

Aphrodite, 157; — and. Venus, 294 

Apicius, 210 

Apollo, 89, 157; —, shrine, 128; —, 
statue, 183; —, temple, 124, 127 

Appian aqueduct, 70; — gate, 446 

Appian Way, 70, 135, 151, 198, 247, 
276, 282, 350, 361, 393 

Appian Way, New, 277 

Appius Claudius, 97, 163 

Apuleius on the gods, 294 

Apulia, 73, 383 

Apulia, colonies, 61 

aqueduct, Marcia, 127; —, Virgin, 
123, 128 

aqueducts, 125, 1380, 172, 190, 199, 
248; — cut, 351; —, modern, 200 








: 


0 ee ee 


INDEX 


Aquila, 516 

Aquileia, 61, 227 

Aquinum, 206 

Arabs, 508 

Araceeli, 366, 436, 475 

Arcadia, 24 

Arcadius, 335 

arch, 44, 172, 575; — of Augustus, 
199; — of Claudius, 199; — of 
Constantine, 230, 247, 355, 361, 
436, 451; — of Domitian, 355; — 
of Gallienus, 245; — of Gratian, 
500; — of Hadrian, 199; — of 
Marcus Aurelius, 199; — of Se- 
verus, 199, 230, 245, 486, 500; — 
of the Silversmiths, 245; — of Ti- 
berius, 199; — of Titus, 172, 199, 
361, 436, 451, 500 

archeology 32, 455 

arches, 128, 190, 249 

architecture, 163, 166, 168, 171, 172, 
202, 323, 451 f.; —, medieval, 
889; —, Renaissance, 408 

Ardea, 15, 61, 88 

arena, 142, 288 

Ares, 157 

Argentina, 433 

Argentoratum, 433 

Argiletum, 68 

Arian quarrel, 465 

Arians, 295, 329 

Aricia, 5, 368 

Ariminum, 61, 128 

Ariosto, 407 

aristocracy, 75, 115, 120, 181, 203, 
204, 325 

Aristotle, 231 

Armellini, 533 

Armenian, 118; — protectorate, 188 

army, 120, 193, 195, 204, 227, 228, 
231, 232, 233, 235, 271; —, papal, 
496; — service, 567 

Arno, 39, 55, 56 

Arnulf of Carinthia, 343 

Arnulf of Orleans on Rome, 379 

Arpinum, 164, 206 

A Roma ci siamo, 563 

art, 166, 202, 240; — and Christi- 
anity, 326; — collections, 455 

Art of Love, The, 142 








615 


Artemis, 157; — and Diana, 294 

artisans, 221, 431 

arts and learning, Renaissance, 410 

arx, 68, 96, 436 

Ascanius, 25, 77 

asceticism, 320, 328 

Asclepiades, 412 

Asia, 57, 71, 90, 112, 141, 188, 193, 
229, 504 

Asia, faiths, 295 

Asia Minor, 39, 229, 288 

Asiatic war, 98 

Asinius Pollio, 128, 165 

Aspromonte, 554 

assassination, 232, 421, 494 

assectatores, 476 

assemblies, ancient and modern, 579 

assessori, 542 

assimilation, 325 

Assyria, 14 

astrology, 268, 296, 297, 326 

astronomy, 297 

Astura, 369 

Asylum, 26, 253 

Ate, 420 

Atellan play, 174 

Athanasians, 329, 465, 466 

Athena, 157 

Athenian, 151, 152, 154 

Athenians, 183, 294, 309 

Athens, 71, 151, 164, 165, 166, 167, 
171, 181, 190, 583 

Atlas mountains, 118 

atonement, 296, 297, 324 

Atreus, 77 

atrium, 44, 126, 152 

Atticist, 152 

Atticus, 278 

Attila and Leo, 467 

Attis, 324 

Attius Navius, 70 

Atys, 25 

aube, 577 

Augustan, 178 

Augustan city, 198; — empire, 187, 
189; — literature, 144; — monu- 
ments, 363; — reforms, 121, 146; 
— times, 111, 194, 510 

Augustans, 143, 233, 401 

Augusti, 238 


616 


Augustine, 240, 321, 327, 328, 330, 
338, 349 

Augustus, 30, 115, 118, 119, 120, 122, 
123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 181, 189, 
144, 151, 154, 163, 165, 187, 196, 
197, 198, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 
211, 215, 232, 236, 237, 245, 250, 
267, 326, 357, 405, 577; — and 
early Rome, 24; — and Greeks, 
183; — and religion, 121; — and 
restoration, 72; —, boundary, 188; 
—, budget, 220; —, character, 146- 
147; —, funeral, 185; — on his 
building, 127-128; — the reformer, 
146, 147 

Aulus Gellius on fires, 196 

Aurelian, 196, 229, 233, 241, 250, 335, 
339 

Aurelius, Marcus, 207, 211, 212, 215, 
228, 227, 230, 2382, 237, 240, 265, 
268, 279, 297, 304, 335, 446; — 
and Christians, 288 

Aurelius Claudius, Marcus, 229 

Aurelius Victor, Marcus, 245 

Aurora, 271 

Ausonius, 239, 338 

Austria defeated, 519 

Austrian despotism, 515; 
vention, 516 

Austrians, 567 

Auvergne, 269 

Aventine, 21-22, 28-29, 69-71, 88, 124, 
157, 196, 245, 248, 363, 401, 435, 
575; — deserted, 360 

Aventinus, 25 

Avernus, 258 

Avidius Cassius, 227-228 

Avignon, 342, 344, 347, 370, 380, 402, 
424, 478 

Avitus, 356 


— inter- 


ABYLON, 331; 
583 
Bacchus, 577 
bakeries, 70, 221 
baldacchino, 449, 556 
Balkan range, 10 
ball, 1381 
ball, Torlonia, 550 
Bandello, 424 


— and Nineveh, 





INDEX 


Bandiera brothers, 517 

banquets, 312 

baptism, 296, 297 

Baraguay, 539 

Barbarossa, 369, 391 

Barberini, 449, 486, 539; 
449, 452, 548 

Barbo, 413 

barons, 343, 361, 364, 394, 428, 478 

basalt, 200 

basilica and church, 323 

basilica of A¢milius Paullus, 68; — 
of Cato, 68; — of Constantine, 
247; — of Julius, 127, 183, 165; 
— of Maxentius, 247; — of Nep- 
tune, 123; — of Sempronius, 68; 
—, underground, 323 

basilicas, 104, 128, 152, 248; —, 
Christian, 291 

Basseville, Hugo, 525, 526 

Bastarne, 339 

bastions, Aventine, 446; — breached, 
537 

baths, 70, 172, 190, 200, 219, 221, 248; 
— of Agrippa, 123, 128, 199, 365; 
— of Caracalla, 199, 245, 246, 435; 
— of Constantine, 247, 488, 449, 
456; — of Decius, 245; — of Dio- 
cletian, 246, 348, 438, 447; — of 
Nero, 199; — of Titus, 199; — of 
Trajan, 199 

baths destroyed, 351 

battle at gate of San Lorenzo, 398 

Beccadelli, 423; —, Hermaphroditus, 
422 

Beet on Saint Peter, 463 

Belgium, 190, 191, 192 

Belisarius, 340, 350, 351, 352, 
856; —, letter to Totila, 393 

Bellay, Cardinal du, 457 

Belli, 454, 523 

bell-towers, 364 

Belvedere, 406, 409, 428 

Bembo, 424 

Benedict IX, 378 

Benedict XIII, 450, 481, 485, 495 

Benedict XIV, 451, 481, 482 

Benedictines, 381 

Beneventum, 61 

Benjamin of Tudela, 383 


— palace, 


354, 


INDEX 


Benozzo Cozzoli, 408 

Benvenuto Cellini, 454 

Berber, 205 

Berengar of Friuli, 343 

Berni, 407 

Bernini, 450, 454 

bersaglieri, 534 

Berthier, 526, 527 

Bessarion, 404, 406 

Bethlehem, 337 

Bianchini, 456 

Bible, 489, 551, 552 

Biblical heroes, 383 

Biondo, 404 

bishop of Albano, 498; — of Arles, 
840; — of Caiazzo, 556; — of 
Ostia, 498; — of Porto, 498 

bishop of Rome, 327, 344, 346, 370, 
463, 465, 466, 467, 497 

bishops, 290, 327, 329, 331, 336, 468, 
485, 497, 556 

Bithynia, 112, 285, 288 

Black Death, 372 

Black sea, 188 

blasphemy, 484 

Boadicea, 187 

Bobbio manuscripts, 455 

Bocca della Verita, 542 

Boccaccio, 422, 424 

Boethius, 390 

Bohemia, 228 

Bologna, 388, 477, 512, 514, 516, 523; 
— railway, 546 

Bonaparte, 458, 528 

Bonaparte, Joseph, 526 

Bonaparte, Louis, 458 

Bonaparte, Lucien, 458 

Bonaparte, Pauline, 458 

Boniface IX, 478 

Bononia, 61 

Books of Numa, 180 

Bordeaux, 239 

Borghese, 449, 485, 527, 550 

Borghese, Camillo, 458 

Borghese estates, 457; — _ palace, 
449, 452 

Borgia, 405, 421; — palace, 428 

Borgia, Cesar, 420, 423 

Borgo, 550 

Borgo Nuovo, 409, 429 














617 


Borgo, rione, 430, 439 

Borromini, 453 

Bosporus, 238, 242, 393 

Botticelli, 408 

Bourbons, 458 

Bracciano, 6 

Braccio Nuove, 451 

Bramante, 410 

Bramantino, 408 

Brancaleone, 361, 364, 477 

Brand, Sebastian, 426 

Braschi, palace, 451, 486 

Braun, 548 

bravi, 421 

Bread and the Circus, 269 

bread and games, 211 

brick, 129 

bridge, A<milian, 69; — and Hora- 
tius, 71; — and Janiculum, 40; —, 
Minucius, 128; —, Mulvian, 408; 
—, Mulvius, 128, 247, 850; —, 
Nomentan, 408; — of Probus, 246; 
—, Palatine, 447; —, Sant’ Angelo, 
446; —, wooden, 28, 69 

bridges, 73, 130, 172, 199, 248; —, 
Augustan, 124 

brigands, 240, 368, 897, 460, 484, 542, 
570 

Britain, 187, 192, 228, 229; — aban- 
doned, 339 

Briton, 118, 187, 242 

de Broglie on the Church, 827 

bronze, 248 
ronze age, 11 

Brosses, Charles de, 457; —, Lettres 
familiéres écrites d’Italie, 490; — 
on Rome, 458, 490 

brotherhoods in Rome, 502 f. 

Browning, 548 

Brundisium, 61 

Brunetti, Angelo, 530 

Brutus, 95, 412 

Bryce, 548; —, Holy Roman Em- 
pire, 559 

building limit, 198; —, ancient and 
modern, 577 

building material, 69 

bullfight, 218 

bulls, Papal, 418, 433, 555 

bureaucracy, 231, 269, 566 


618 


bureaucratic class, 522 

burial, 34 

burial-ground, 69, 124, 134 

burial-places, 276, 280, 281 

Byron, 514 

Byzantine, 340, 343, 344, 350, 354, 
495 

Byzantine court, 498; — rule, 342, 
345 

Byzantines, 471 

Byzantium, 236, 238, 241, 366 


ADWALLA, 394 
Cecilius, 309, 312 

Cecilius Statius, 161 

Celian, 21, 23, 28, 36, 69, 196, 361, 
868, 435, 487, 438, 575; — deserted, 
360 

Celimontium, 247 

Celius Antipater, 161 

Cenina, 26 

Ceere, 39 

Cesar, 88, 117, 118, 119, 121, 125, 
128, 181, 1385, 188, 139, 142, 165, 
188, 192, 201, 208, 206, 236, 381, 
383, 505, 579; — and early Rome, 
24; — and grain distribution, 140; 
—- in Britain, 187 

Cesar Augustus, 201 

Cesar, Divine Julius, temple, 127, 
135 

Cesarism a model, 472 

Cesars, 137, 191, 212, 233, 238, 251, 
887, 572; — of the Church, 388 

Caetani, 369 

Caffarelli, 433; —, palace, 446 

Cairoli brothers, 520, 554 

Calabria, 206, 517; —, colonies, 61 

Calcarario, 365 

calendar, 80 

Cales, 61 

Caligula, 196, 198, 210, 213, 215, 265, 
378 

Calixtus, bishop of Rome, 464 

Calixtus ITI, 405 

Callimachus Experiens, 412 

calmieri, 493 

Camera dei Diputati, 579 

Camillus, 37, 96 


INDEX 


camp of Severus, 469 

camp-towns, 190 

Campagna, 21, 82, 125, 140, 151, 175, 
201, 276, 277, 280, 348, 345, 357, 
359, 360, 368, 369, 394, 402, 403, 
421, 440, 457, 460, 470, 490, 542, 
543, 550, 573, 576, 577, 578, 585; 
— a morass, 350; —, population, 
869. Cf. Latin plain and Latium. 

campaign of 1859, 518, 553 

Campania, 135, 206; — and the 
Etruscans, 39, 40; —, colonies, 61 

Campitelli, 4830; —, rione, described, 
435 

Campo dei Fiori, 432, 443, 446, 494, 
555 

Campo Marzo, 429; — described, 
437 

Campo Vaccino, 360, 436, 526 

Campus Martius, 22, 26, 27, 50, 69, 
73, 123, 124, 127, 128, 181, 133, 196, 
198, 248, 359, 360, 363, 367, 369, 
401, 452, 500, 569, 575 

canal, 104; — to the sea, 125 

Cancer, 262 

Cancelleria, 410, 428, 452, 582, 555 

candelabrum, 312 

Canina, 456 

Canne, 80, 91, 93, 98, 187, 212, 336 

Canossa, 343 

Canova, 454 

Canute the Dane, 394 

Capetus, 25 

Capitol, 50, 95, 96, 182, 210, 225, 243, 
363, 387, 401, 408, 4338, 435, 446, 
475, 476, 501, 509, 538, 572 

Capitoline, 21, 22, 24, 25, 26, 29, 30, 
36, 48, 68, 72, 73, 124, 127, 1380, 
183, 151, 152, 196, 197, 198, 248, 
249, 350, 401; — museum, 451, 455 

Capitolium, 436 

Capua, 72, 211 

Capuan plain, 41 

Capys, 25 

Caracalla, 228, 236, 290, 299 

Caracci, 454 

Carbonari, 514, 530 

cardinal-nephews, 485, 495 

Carinthia, 343 

Carinus, 196, 230 


INDEX 


Carlo Caraffa, 483 

Carnival, 418, 433, 550, 571 

Carolingians, 343 

Carrara, 200 

Carseoli, 61 

Carthage, 74, 75, 80, 84, 97, 104, 111, 
114, 127, 176, 189, 350, 582; — and 
the Etruscans, 41; —, fall of, 57 

Carthaginian officer, 92 

Carthaginians, 40, 54, 55, 56, 92, 93, 
98 

Carthusian cloisters, 447 

Carus, 229 

Casa Giacometti, 536, 537 

Cassandra, 413 

Cassiodorus, 352 

caste, 240 

Castello Sant’ Angelo, 359, 443, 569; 
—, bastions, 449; —, guns, 456 

Castiglione, Cortegiano, 426 

Castor, 577; —, temple, 104, 127 

Castor and Pollux, 67, 326, 436 

Castra Peregrina, 245 

Castrum Novum, 61 

catacombs, 275 ff., 362; — and art, 
322; —, formation, 280 

Catana, 156 

Cathedral of Lucca, 366; — at Or- 
vieto, 366; — of Pisa, 366; — of 
Salerno, 366 

Catherine of Siena, 434 

Catholic arms, 555; — Europe, 517; 
— party, 519 

Catholics, 552 

Catiline, 124 

Cato the censor, 57, 66, 67, 77, 78, 
81, 83, 85, 93, 100-102, 105, 111, 116, 
125, 136, 140, 141, 142, 144, 164, 176, 
181, 259, 268, 578; —, death, 53; 
— on adversity, 90, 142; —, On 
Agriculture, 81; — on the capital, 
71 

Catonists, 181 

cattle, 576 

cattle-market, 69, 124 

Catullus, 175, 206 

Catulus, 138 

Cavalletto, 494 

Cave, 369 

cave-men, 8 





619 


Cavour, 517, 558, 562; — and Napo- 
leon, 518; — on Rome as capital, 
505 

Cecilia Metella, mausoleum, 361, 456 

Cecropian, 294 

Celtic language, 192 

Celts, 335, 508 

cemeteries, 277, 280, 291, 322, 585 

Cenci, 431; —, palace, 482 

censors, 116 

censorship, 63, 64 

census, 29; — of B.c.28, 120; — of 
1857, 545; — of 1871, 545 

Ceprano railway, 546 

ceremonial, 412, 497, 498, 577 

Ceres, 157, 294 

Cesare Balbo, Hopes of Italy, 516 

Cesarini, 433 

chamber of deputies, 520 

Channel, 118 

character, 48, 53, 145, 147, 154, 167, 
175, 177, 178, 179, 184, 187, 206, 
232, 266; —, ancient and modern, 
578, 580; —, Augustan, 144; —, 
Dark Age, 374; —, Empire, 208 ff. ; 
—, Greek, 182; —, Italian, 564, 
568, 580 

charioteers, 212, 338 

charities, 219 

Charlemagne, 345, 366, 370, 377, 391, 
394, 472, 492, 511, 556; — and the 
temporal power, 471; — crowned, 
343 

Charles V, 440, 480, 512 

Charles VIII, 422 

Charles Albert, 515; — abdicates, 
5383; — defeated, 517 

Charles of Anjou, 344, 388; — sena- 
tor, 477 

Charles Emmanuel, 458 

Charles Felix, 515 

Chartres, 389 

chase, 184, 141, 211, 550 

chasuble, 577 

Chevalier St. George, 458 

Chiabrera, 454 

chiesa libera in stato libero, 562 

Chigi, palace, 450, 520 

Chinea, 501 

cholera, 545 


620 


Christ, 279, 307, 321, 331; —, divinity 
of, 829; — in art, 322 

Christian and pagan, 301 ff. 

Christian assemblies, 309; — atti- 
tude, 806, 376; — communities, 
507; — culture, 375; — dead, 281; 
— defects, 319; — doctrine, 224, 
298, 321, 323; — dogma, 328; — 
ethics, 321, 324, 325; — faith, 169, 
268; — ideal and practice, 879; — 
life, 224; — orators, 214, 239; — 
religion, 297; — Rome, 332; — so- 
ciety, 825; — times, 214, 5838; — 
world, 507 

Christian Cicero, 321 

Christiani, 283 

Christianity, 235; — and Mithraism, 
324; —, mission, 327; —, triumph, 
301 

Christianization, 489 

Christians, 225, 243, 275, 276, 284, 
285; — and Alaric, 349; — in 
form, 3826; —, numbers, 289, 290; 
— and the races, 266; — in Rome, 
282; — tortured, 273 

Christina of Sweden, 455, 457 

Christmas, 326, 579 

Christus, 283 

chronicler on Rome, 396 

Chrysoloras, 406 

Church, 269, 280, 289, 299, 319, 323, 
326, 327, 329, 330, 345, 358, 359, 
864, 368, 378, 406; — and ambi- 
tion, 377; — and art, 322, 416; — 
and barbarians, 331; — and city, 
846; — and culture, 326; — and 
Dark Ages, 586; — and emperors, 
291; — and empire, 299, 331, 467; 
— and Franks, 342; — and Italy, 
561; — and mankind, 585; — and 
monuments, 362; — and property, 
469; —- and Rome, 504; — and 
state, 566; — and _ superstition, 
328; — and territorial ambition, 
511; — and world, 320, 416 ff., 
426; — democracy, 464; —, great- 
ness of, 504; — heads, 290; — in- 
teriors, 864; — membership, 325; 
— of Rome, 576; — organization, 
3827; — property outside Rome 





INDEX 


and Italy, 470; —, triumph of, 
235; — Universal, 416 

church bells, 364 

churches, 291, 336, 349, 366, 372; — 
and ruins, 364; — and temples, 
362; — of Constantine, 362 

Cicciaporci, palace, 432 

Cicero, 86, 125, 186, 144, 152, 163, 
164, 165, 166, 173, 184, 206, 220, 
323, 579; — and art, 177; — and 
early Rome, 24; — and the games, 
218; — as governor, 114; —, De 
Republica, 19, 51, 149; —, ethics 
of, 224; —, letters of, 178; —, life 
of, 175; — on Capua and Rome, 
%1; — on Greek character, 182; 
—on immortality, 298; —, On 
Old Age, 81, 83, 178; — on the 
fall of the state, 176; —, On the 
Orator, 176; — on the site of 
Rome, 38; —, On the State, 109, 
183; —, orations of, 178; —, resi- 
dence, 124, 126; —-, Rome of, 204; 
—, Scipio’s Dream (Somnium 
Scipionis), 149, 269; — the stylist, 
177 

Ciceronian, 321 

Ciceros, younger, 165 

Ciceruacchio, 530 

Cicimbricus, 263 

Cilicia, 112, 118 

Cimbri, 187, 138, 240 

Cimessores, 263 

Cimmerians, 258 

Cincinnatus, 81, 95 

Cineas, 253 

Circe, Mount, 3, 54 

Circumcelliones, 329 

circus, 131, 168, 172, 248, 265 

Circus Flaminius, 123, 248, 361, 365, 
431, 446, 447; — Maximus, 29, 69, 
134, 196, 197, 248, 255, 263, 348, 
352, 361, 485; — of Caligula, 248, 
855; — of Maxentius, 247 

Cirta, 311 

Cisalpine Gaul, 205 

Cisalpine republic, 512, 513 

Cispian, 21, 36 

Citadel, 98. Cf. arx. 

citizen-colony, 60 





INDEX 


citizen-farmer, 82 

citizen-soldier, 75-107, 202, 208, 267, 
578 

citizen-soldiery, 170 

citizenship, 236 

City of Aurelian, 598; — of the 
Cesars, 362; — of God, 362, 393; 
— of this World, 340 

city-camp, 11, 76, 172, 188, 193 

city-state, 53, 57, 60, 113, 171, 194 

civic crowns, 79 

civil marriage agitation, 553 

Civil Marriage bill, 518 

civil service, 118 

Civitavecchia, 366, 496, 534, 535, 570; 
— railway, 546 

clan, 48, 49 

clansman, 49, 62 

Claude Lorrain, 454 

Claudia, epitaph, 222 

Claudian, 239, 242, 250, 331, 338; — 
on Rome, 270; — on the Palatine, 
249; —, panegyric, 335; —, The 
Gildonic War, 242 

Claudius, 165, 187, 196, 203, 215, 220, 
223, 282; — and Greece, 183, 184 

Claudius Gothicus, 335 

clay-pits, 357 

Clement’s letter to the Corinthians, 
463 

Clement VII, 344, 428, 440, 443, 495 

Clement VII, anti-pope, 402 

Clement VIII, 448, 480, 482, 489, 495 

Clement IX, 480, 495 

Clement X, 450, 480 

Clement XI, 450, 480, 482; 
Pasquino, 487 

Clement XII, 451, 544 

Clement XITI, 451, 484, 492 

Clement XIV, 482 

Cleopatra, 148, 240, 259 

clergy, 331, 372 

clericals, 518, 565, 568 

clerics, 541; — and vanity, 327 

clients, 182, 210, 579 

Clivus Suburanus, 68 

Cloaca Maxima, 30 

Cloacina, altar, 104 

Clodia, 142 

Clodius, 140, 142, 579 


— and 





621 


Cloelia, 95 

Clovis, 342 

Cluny, 381 

Clyde, 188 

coinage, 234, 475 

coins, 585 

Cola di Rienzo, -3847, 371, 392, 397, 
401, 403, 412, 435, 455, 478, 510; 
—, home of, 432 

Coliseum, 199, 276, 361, 363, 392, 
436, 500, 502; — repaired, 355; — 
ruined, 371 

Collatinus, 94 

Collegio Capranica, 433 

Collegio Romano, 434 

Collina, 36 

Colline gate, 93 

Cologne, 188 

Colonia, 188 

colonies, 30 

Colonna, 343, 361, 369, 402, 527 

Colonna estates, 457; — grounds, 
450; — palace, 428, 451; — rione, 
429; — rione described, 487; — 
standard, 501 

Colonna, Teresa, 550 

colonnade of Apollo, 133; — of 
Bernini, 556; —, Saint Peter’s, 450 

column-and-lintel, 171 

Column of Constantine, 241; — of 
Immaculate Conception, 546; — 
of Marcus Aurelius, 173, 199, 221, 
251, 437, 488; — of Phocas, 354, 
436; — of Trajan, 173, 199, 221, 
448 

columns, 172, 348, 575; —, imperial, 
585 

Cominius, 95 

Comitato Nazionale Romano, 554 

comitium, 68, 104 

commerce, 38, 45, 57, 83, 130, 207, 
490; —, Etruscan, 41 

Commodianus, 240 

Commodus, 193, 196, 197, 213, 215, 
228, 232 

common council, 234, 238, 474 


| common people, 254, 346 


commons, 64 
communes, 343, 344, 358, 474 
communion, 224, 296, 297, 328 


622 


communism, 565, 566, 567 

communist and fascista, 579 

Como, 10 

compromise, 318 

Concordia, temple, 67 

concrete, 129, 348 

condottieri, 403 

congress of Vienna, 513 

Conrad of Mercia, 394 

Conradin, 344 

conservatism, pagan, 330 

conservative and liberal, 565 

Conservatori, 408, 44'7 

Conservators, 436 

consiglieri, 542 

constable of Bourbon, 440, 443, 512 

Constans IIT, 356, 393 

Constans and Christians, 291 

Constantia, 279 

Constantine, 233, 238, 239, 241, 242, 
247, 250, 265, 278, 370, 385, 392, 
465; —, conversion, 291; —, dona- 
tion, 377 

Constantinople, 236, 382, 465, 467, 
498 

Constantius, 239, 252, 291, 335, 466 

constituent assembly, 532 

constitution, 29, 116, 117, 146, 2381, 
A477, 515; — of Charles Albert, 
517, 5381; — of Ferdinand of 
Naples, 514; — of Pius IX, 517; 
—, Tuscan, 531 

constitutions, nature of, 231 

consules Romanorum, 474 

consuls, 62, 63, 64, 79, 116, 117, 120, 
203, 211, 385, 533 

Consus, 47 

contagion, 263 

Conti, 369 

contraband, 484, 543 

contra-revolution, 567 

convention of 1864, 519, 554 

convents, 363 

converts, 280, 298, 311, 325, 551 

copyists, 433 

Cora, 55, 61 

Corduba, 189 

Corea, 551 

Corinth, 28, 71, 75, 112, 168 

Coriolanus, 95 


INDEX 


Cornelii, 81, 203, 207 

Cornelius Balbus, 128 

Cornificius, Lucius, 128 

coronation of Innocent ITI, 497-501 

corporations, 281 

Corpus Domini, 1870, 556 

Corsica, 56, 104, 112 

Corsini, palace, 451, 526 

Corso, 429, 484, 437, 488, 447, 450, 
493, 494, 525, 533 

Corso Vittorio Emanuele, 569 

Cosa, 61 

Cosimo Roselli, 408 

Cosmati, 365 

cosmic bodies, 324; — influences, 
297; — year, 296 

council, family, 49; — of Nicea, 329, 
465; — of Pius IX, 541; — of 
Sardica, 465; — of Trent, 481, 
555; — of 1870, 555-557 

counter-Reformation, 459 

countess of Albany, 458 

court of Leo X, 445 

court-room, 175 

courtesans, 419, 482, 485, 485; — and 
nuns, 423 

courts, 68, 152, 220. Cf. basilica. 

Crassi, 137 

Crassus, 124, 126 

Crawford, 549 

creed, 325 

cremation, 34, 314 

Cremera, 40 

Cremona, 61 

Crescentius, 428, 435 

Crete, 10, 14, 294 

Crimean war, 518 

criticism, 173 

cross, 811, 327 

Cross, brothers of the, 502 

Croton, 156, 212 

crusaders, 383; —, abuses, 468; — in 
Rome, 380 

crusades, 343, 380 

Crustumerium, 26 

Crustumina tribe, 78 

cult statue, 48 

culture, post-Renaissance, 454 

Cume, 46, 55, 89, 156, 157 

Cumont on Belgium, 191 





INDEX 


Cupids and Psyches, 322 

Curiatii, 27 

Curiosum, 247, 251 

Curius, 81, 97 

cursing of Christ, 304 

Curtis, 549 

curule chair, 44, 96 

custodian’s lodge, 251 

customs-barrier, 125 

customs laws, 543 

customs-limit, 194 

Custozza, 532 

Cybele, 268, 294; —, priests of, 295. 
Cf. Great Mother. 

Cynoscephale, 99, 161 

Cyprian, 464 

Cyprus, 294 

Cyriac of Ancona, 406, 455 

Cyrus the Great, 58 


ACIA, 836, 339 
Dacians, 118, 188, 211, 229, 585 

Dalii, 258 

Dalmatia, 336 

Damasus, 329, 466 

Danaus, 133 

dancers, 153 

dancing-girls, 260 

dancing-masters, 260 

Dandolo, 553; —, Emilio, 537; —, 
Enrico, 536 

Dante, 373, 382; — in exile, 344 

Danube, 118, 188, 227, 229, 241, 585; 
— tribes, 137 

Dardania, 336 

Dark Age, 332; — and Augustan 
times, 376 

Daverio, 536 

David, 384 

deacons, 290 

Decius, 229, 290, 355, 580 

Decius Mus, Publius, 96; — the son, 
97; — the grandson, 97 

deities, female, 326; — of Olympus, 
295 

Della Genga, 541 

Della Porta, 453 

Della Valle, 4383 

Delos and slaves, 138 

Delta, 188 


623 


Demaratus, 28 

Demeter, 157, 294 

democrats, 358, 565 

Demosthenes, 166 

depopulation of Rome, 358 

De Rossi, 456 

desertion from army, 267 

Desiderius, 342 

despotism, 219; — of Austria, 523 

Destiny, 60, 122, 148, 187, 206, 208, 
831, 586 

destruction of Rome, 358 ff. 

Diana, 326; — of the Aventine, 156; 
—, statue, 183, 157; —, temple, 
29, 69, 71, 128 

Diana Dictynna, 294 

dictator, 228 

dinners, 261 

dioceses, 470; —, Empire, 233 

Diocles, 265 

Diocletian, 228, 2380, 238, 250, 290, 
363 

Diodotus, 164 

Diogenes, 354 

Dion of the Golden Mouth, 327 

diplomats, 457, 557 

Disciples, 319 

discipline, 62, 86, 145 

disillusionment of Augustans, 143, 
144 

disorders of Augustan times, 115 

divi, 413 

divination, 296 

Divine Providence, 299 

docks, 70, 124 

doctors, 205 

dogma of Papal Infallibility, 556, 
557 

dole, 266, 378, 579. Cf. grain distri- 
bution. 

Dollinger, 549 

Dome, 573 

Domenichino, 454 

Dominicans, 343, 381, 496 

Domitian, 183, 187, 193, 196, 208, 210, 
2138, 215, 247, 284, 285, 287 

Donatello, 408 

donation of Constantine, 406 

Donatists, 329 

doorkeepers, 290 


624 


Doria, 527 

Doria Pamfili, palace, 450 

Dorian Greeks, 10 

Dottore, 577 

doves of Juvenal, 577 

drachma, 105 

draft, 92 

drama, 160, 161, 168, 173, 174, 412, 
551, 579 

Gress, 86, 45, 258, 331, 327, 456, 482 

Grivers, 265 

Drummers of the Faithful, 501 

Drusus, 135 

duces Romanorum, 474 

Duilius, 98 

Duphot, 526, 527 


ARTHQUAKES, 72, 341, 348, 
353 

Faster, 324, 579 

ecclesiastical courts, 518; — state, 
ATI, 472, ATT 

Edgar Mortara, 551 

edict of a.p.412, 338; — of Caracalla, 
207; — of Constantine, 235, 328; 
— of Marjorian, 356; — of Milan, 
281, 291, 322, 326 

edicts of Diocletian, 291 

education, 76, 85, 118, 163, 164, 169, 
178, 180, 191, 220, 267, 323, 382, 
389, 427, 482, 566, 567; —, Greek, 
182 

Egeria, 27 

Egidius of Viterbo on Rome, 421 

Egypt, 14, 188, 202, 212, 229, 289, 
242, 259, 269, 295, 582, 585 

Egyptian, 165; — roses, 210 

Elagabalus, 228 

Elba, 509 

Elbe, 118 

El-Djem, 190 

elect of God, 314 

elections, 120 

elephants, 56 

Eleusinian mysteries, 296 ° 

Eleusis, 294 

Elijah, 266 

emasculation, 493 

Emerita, 189 








INDEX 


Emilia, 519 

emperor, 120; — and pope, 345; — 
of Austria, 513 

emperor worship, 121 

emperors, 205, 585 

Empire, 66, 191, 195, 203, 204, 208, 
209, 2138, 215, 232, 2386, 239, 266, 
299, 319, 353, 405, 424; — divided, 
228, 229, 233; —, fall of, 235 

enactments against paganism, 291 

encyclical of 1864, 519 

end of the world, 296, 313, 325, 341 

England, 174, 190, 219, 585 

English Bank, 554; — chroniclers, 
388; — cities, 388 

engravers, post-Renaissance, 454 

Ennius, 158, 161, 174, 206; —, An- 
nales, 51; — on fortune-tellers, 
105; — on Roman heroism, 77 

Ephesus, 29 

epic, 174 

Epicurean, 180 

Epicureanism, 165, 174 

Epicurus, 158 

Epimenides, 257 

Epirote king, 97 

Epirus, 138, 336 

epitaphs, 222, 278 

equestrian class, 139. Cf. knights. 

Equitii, 81 

Erasmus, 418, 425; —, Praise of 
Folly, 426 

Ksino, 472 

espionage, 489 

Esquiline, 21, 29, 33, 34, 35, 36, 68, 
69, 134, 194, 196, 246, 247, 363, 
438, 575, 585 

essayists, 164 

Eternal City, 30, 148, 270, 347, 397, 
416, 424, 533, 586 

Eternal Mother, 202 

Eternal Rome, 117, 184, 205, 892, 
425, 440, 445, 521, 583, 559-587 

Ethiopians, 294 

Etruria, 35, 46, 55, 91, 171, 202, 206; 
— and the Latin league, 54; —, 
colonies, 61 

Etruscan artists, 71; — camp, 95; 
— character, 44; — downfall, 42; 
— faith, 159; — king, 95; — oc- 





INDEX 


cupation, 44; — quarter, 40; — 
rule, 53; — tombs, 39 

Etruscans, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 39-42, 
43, 48, 54, 89, 148, 156, 157, 294, 
295, 388, 508; — expelled, 53; —, 
invasion, 16; — in Rome, 40, 41 

Ktruscans, street, 104. Cf. Vicus 
Tuscus. 

etymology, 413 

Kubeea, 200 

Fugenius, pagan revival, 291 

Eugenius III, 475 

Eugenius IV, 372, 403, 406, 428, 479 

eunuchs, 250 

Euphrates, 188, 253 

Euripides, 152, 173 

European nations in Italy, 508 

Eusebius, 465 

Evander, 24, 25 

evolution, 293, 299, 301 

exarch, 340, 345 

excavations, 348, 573 

excommunication, 346, 391, 468, 523 

executions, 203, 433, 476, 484 

exorcisms, 328 

exorcists, 290 

expansion, 112, 117, 208 

extravagance, 210, 211, 219, 222, 264 


ABIANS, 203 

Fabii, 81, 95 
Fabius Maximus, 99, 418; — Pictor, 

29, 67, 161 | 
Fabricians, 203 
Fabricius, 97, 140 
Fabunii, 258 
factions, 119 
Faenza, 516 
Fagutal, 36 
fairs, 433 
Falerii, 55, 96 
fall of Rome, 336 
Fame, 255 
families, 460; —, medizval, 360 
family, 48, 59, 86 
famine, 242, 260, 341, 351, 369 
Fano, 471 
farce, 174, 577 
Farnese, 482, 446; —, Alessandro, 
483; —, Ranuccio, 483 





625 


Farnese gardens, 446; — palace, 
446, 452 
Farnesina, 428 
fascista, 567; — times, 579 
fascisti, 565, 566, 567 
fashion and faith, 325 
fastings, 310 
Father Tiber, 238 
Fathers, 96, 251 
Iauna, 47 
Faunus, 47 
Faustina, 213 
Fea, 456 
feasts, 311, 316 
Ferdinand of Austria, 513 
Ferdinand IV, 457 
Ferdinand of Naples, 515, 532, 539, 
546 
Ferentinum, 93 
Ferrara, 472 
Festival of Unity, 478 
festivals, 80, 88, 291, 326, 497 
feudal enmities, 361; — families, 
358; — lords, 343; — period, 364; 
— system, 368 
Fever, 38 
fever, 73, 240, 315, 369 
Ficana, 28 | 
Fidenx, 27, 28, 29, 54, 216; — and ) 
the Etruscans, 40 ; 
Fiesole, 335 
Filelfo of Tolentino, 406 
filioque and et filio, 468 | 
Filippo Neri, 481 
finance, 485 
fines, 494 
fire of Carinus, 242; — of Com- 
modus, 242; — of Nero, 283; — of 
Robert Guiscard, 359, 364, 367 
fires, 72, 188, 195, 196, 197, 242, 348, 
353 
Firmum, 61 
First Man of the Senate, 121 
fish-market, 104 
fish, mystic, 279 
Fitzgerald, Edward, 556 
Five Days in Milan, 517 
Five Good Reigns, 232 
Flaccus, oration for, 182 
Flagellants, 396 


626 


flamen, 27, 87, 88; —, Jupiter, 87 

Flaminian road, 151; — Way, 69, 
183, 248, 335, 350 

Flavia Domitilla, 284 

Flavian palace, 456 

Flavians, 198, 245 

Flavio Biondo, 456; —, Italia Illus- 
trata, 406; —, Roma Instaurata, 
406; —, Roma Triumphans, 406 

Flavius Clemens, 284 

Flemish pope Hadrian, 419 

flogging, 484 

floods, 72, 738, 197, 348, 353, 369, 447 

Florence, 372, 389, 405, 427, 561, 562, 
578, 574; — the capital, 520, 554 

Florentines, 432 

Fondi, 369, 539 

Fontana, 453 

Fontinalia, 80 

fora, 248; —, imperial, 365 

foreign bayonets, 524 

foreigners, 550; — in Rome, 547 

Formosus, 378 

formule, 47, 160 

Forth, 188 

fortresses, 360 ff. 

fortune-tellers, 105 

Fortune, temple, 89 

Forum, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 34, 40, 48, 
50, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 91, 94, 104, 
124, 125, 182, 183, 134, 1385, 140, 
151, 158, 190, 196, 197, 198, 199, 
247, 276, 348, 354, 363, 365, 435, 
436, 500, 526, 535, 554, 569, 575, 
576, 585; — deserted, 360 

Forum, thirteenth century, 37; — 
valley, 36 

forum of Augustus, 128, 132, 199, 
438, 447; — of Cesar, 127, 182, 
199, 500; — of Domitian, 199; — 
of Nerva, 438, 456; — of Peace, 
254; — of Renaissance, 433; — 
of Trajan, 199, 247, 254, 438, 500, 
575; — of Vespasian, 199, 247 

forum-group, 172 

fountain of Juturna, 68 

fountains, 129, 130, 199, 200, 220, 
447, 448, 449; —, Saint Peter’s, 
450 

Fra Angelico, 408 





INDEX 


Fracastoro, Syphilis, 407, 424 

France, 174; — occupies Ancona, 
516 

franchise, 565 

Francis of Austria, 513 

Francis of Este, 5138 

Francis Xavier, 482 

Franciscans, 348, 381, 496 


Franconians, 348, 344. 


Frangipani, 343, 361, 369 

Franklin, 231 

Franks, 229, 342, 345, 383 

Frascati, 492; — railway, 546 

Fratelli d@’ Italia, 536 

Fra Venturino, 397 

Frederick II, 344 

Frederick Barbarossa, 344 

freedmen, 139, 205 

Fregelle, 61 

Fregene, 61 

French Academy, 525, 549 

French army, 557; — Catholicism, 
562; — cities, 388; — empire, 512, 
528; — expedition, 533; — extor- 
tion, 527; — language, 191; — 
legation, 525; — régime, 518; — 
republic, 525, 527; — revolution, 
512, 524, 525; — revolution, 1848, 
531; — soldiery, 542 

French in Italy, 419; — in Rome, 
525; — troops leave, 520 

Friuli, 343 

Frontinus and waters, 577 

Fronto, 206 

Frosinone, 484 

Frusino, 93 

Fulvius Nobilior, 162 

funeral of Marcellus, 135 

funerals, 84, 316, 578, 579 


ABII, 15, 30, 98; — and the 
Etruscans, 41 

Gaetani, 361, 532 

Gaius, 128 

Gaius Atellus Maximus, 73 

Gaius Aurelius, 78 

Galerius, 236, 237 

Galileo, 489 

galleries, 585 





INDEX 


galleys, 485 

Gallic, 289; — colonies, 61; — giant, 
96; — prefectures, 192; — raid, 
55, 66, 198, 230, 337, 393 

gallows, 484, 495 

Gallus, 290 

games, 88, 211, 265; —, Greek, 184 

gaming, 482 

Gandia, duke of, 421, 486 

Garda, 10 

gardens, 129, 151, 163, 201, 202; —, 
Colonna, 488; — of Agrippa, 124; 
— of Cesar, 125, 248; — of Cas- 
sius, 124; — of Clodia, 124; — of 
Drusus, 124; — of Lamia, 124; 
— of Lucullus, 124; — of Sallust, 
124, 349, 437, 569 

Garibaldi, 580, 533, 548, 553; —, 
action of April 30, 584; —, action 
of June 8, 535; — at Aspro- 
monte, 519; — at Mentana, 520; 
— at the Volturno, 519; — de- 
feats Neapolitans, 535; —, flight 
of, 588; —, headquarters of, 537; 
— in Piazza san Pietro, 537; — 
in exile, 516; —, invitation of, 
588; — leaves Rome, 538; —, 
threats of, 554; —, troopers of, 
533 

Garibaldi, Anita, 538 

Garibaldi’s hymn, 511 

gates, 69, 190, 194, 248, 340, 351, 563 

Gaufried on Rome, 379 | 

Gaul, 112, 189, 193, 203, 229, 288, 335, 
842, 467 

Gauls, 37, 51, 55, 56, 92, 95, 137, 139, 
148, 192, 198, 243, 510 

Gela, 156 

Genazzano, 369 

Genius, 326; — of Augustus and the 
state, 143 

Genseric, 339, 446; — and Leo, 467 

Gentile da Fabriano, 408 

Gentiles, 284 

geology and Rome, 32 

George of Trebizond, 406 

Georgics, 144 

Geriones, 258 

Germalus, 36 

German Archeological Institute, 548 





627 


Germanic language, 192 

Germanicus, 170 

Germans, 187, 234, 240, 335, 339, 
430, 443, 585 

Germany, 188, 229 

Gest, 484, 447, 450, 452 

Ghetto, 527, 551, 572 

Ghibellines, 344, 359, 360, 477 

Ghirlandaio, 408 

Giants, 249 

Gibbon, 457; — on Gallienus, 246; 
— on Roman people, 267; — on 
Roman rule, 193 

Gibraltar, 56, 339 

Gildo, 242 

Gioberti, Moral and Civil Primacy, 
516 

Giordano Bruno, 489 

Giornale di Roma, 551 

Giotto, 389 

Giovio, Paolo, 407 

Giraud-Torlonia, 428 

Giudecca, La, 482 

gladiators, 104, 211, 218, 228, 227, 
265, 326 

Gladstone letters, 518, 553 

Glaucus, 412 

Gluturiorus, 263 

Gneus Sicinius, 73 

God, 222, 223; — and Cesar, 303; 
— of Galilee, 221; — of the Jews, 
313 

gods, 157, 208, 212, 294; — and 
Christians, 285; —, blending of, 
294; —, Etruscan, 294; —, Greeco- 
Roman, 163; —, Greek, 90; —, 
Italian, 157; — of Homer, 90, 158; 
—, pagan, 303, 3238, 826; —, Ro- 
man, 190; — of the shepherds, 
24; — of the state, 303 

Goethe, 457 

Goffredo Mameli, 536 

golden age, 223 . 

Golden Book of 1746, 550 

Golden House, 199, 210 

Gonfalone brotherhood, 502 

gonfaloni, 556 

Good Shepherd, 279, 322 

Gospel, 319 

Gothic architecture, 389; — armies, 


628 
890; — occupation of Italy, 342; 
—wars, 363 


Goths, 229, 234, 251, 267, 271, 339, 
840, 342, 344, 350, 352, 356 

Gounod, 549 

government, 169, 207, 2380, 231, 234 

governors, 114, 118, 120, 163, 805 

Gracchan times, 579 

Gracchi, 116, 117, 219, 545 

Gracchus, Gaius, 140 

Greco-Roman, 161 

grain distribution, 140; — supply, 
229, 242 

granite, 201 

Graphia, 385, 387 

Gratian, 241, 466 

Greater Greece, 171 

Greater Rome, 118 

Great Mother, 90, 221, 294, 296, 324, 
3826; —, temple of, 68, 127 

Great Schism, 402 

Great War, 565, 571 

Greece, 35, 71, 90, 112, 125, 137, 149, 
166, 183, 190, 202, 294, 582, 585; 
— and the Etruscans, 41; —, 
liberated, 57; —, protectorate, 
112; — under Rome, 191 

Greek architecture, 154; — art, 71, 
153, 160, 161, 162, 168, 165, 169, 
173, 180, 223; — blood, 205; — 
character, 154; Greek cities, 130, 
162, 182; — colonization, 156; — 
culture, 156, 174; — education, 
153; — faith, 159; — ideals, 162; 
— islands, 183; — lands, 164, 182, 
294; — language, 153, 155, 179, 
164, 176, 189, 381, 382; — letters, 
105; — lyric, 153; — names, 153; 


— people, 155; — poetry, 165, 180; . 


— religion, 166; — scholars, 406; 
— teachers, 164, 176 

Greeklings, 174, 209 

Greeks, 29, 48, 92, 102, 105, 158, 156, 
157, 158, 160, 162, 205, 295, 358, 
508; — compared with Romans, 
183; — disliked, 182 

Gregorius Anicius, 345 

Gregorovius, arrives, 547; —, His- 
tory of the City, 552; — and the 
Index, 552; —, journal of, 548; — 











INDEX 


on changes in Rome, 571; — on the 
popes, 480; — on Rome in the 
Middle Ages, 390; — on Rome of 
the Renaissance, 426; — on Saint 
Peter, 462 

Gregory I, 345 

Gregory II, 468 

Gregory III, 363 

Gregory VII, 343, 359, 417, 468, 476 

Gregory IX, 476 

Gregory XI, 401, 478 

Gregory XIII, 447, 480, 482, 489 

Gregory XV, 449, 482, 484, 569 

Gregory XVI, 451, 481, 489, 492, 
516, 524, 529, 5380, 555; — and the 
Austrians, 531 

Gregory of Tours, 382 

Gregory the Great, 341, 342, 353, 
382, 468, 470; —, founder of the 
temporal power, 471; — on the 
times, 341, 357 

Guardian Angel, 326 

Guardie Nobili, 556 

Guelfs, 344, 360, 477 

Guercino, 454 

Guglielmo Pepe, 515 

guide-books, 883 

Guido Reni, 454 

Guido of Spoleto, 343 

guilds, 221, 224 

Guiscard, Robert, 343, 359 

Guizot, 548 

Gustavus Adolphus, 457 

gymnasia, 245 


ADRIAN, 165, 187-189, 194, 
199, 202, 203, 205, 206, 215, 223, 
234, 237, 245, 576; — and Greece, 
184 
Hadrian I, 870, 511 
Hadrian VI, 419 
Hadrianic times, 194 
Heemus, 10 
Hannibal, 57, 67, 90, 91, 93, 98, 99, 
104, 109, 186, 137, 148, 157, 161, 
162, 227, 248 
Hannibalic war, 57, 61 
harlot, 331 
Hatria, 61 
Haverfield on education, 191 





INDEX 


Hawthorne, 457 

Head of the Church, 463 

healings, 328 

Hecate, 294 

hedonism, 174 

Heidelberg collection, 455 

Heliogabalus, 378 

hell, 326 

hell-fire, 319 

Hellenic, 172, 173; — culture, 112, 
155, 164, 169, 179, 181; — sites, 
112; — strain, 43 

Hellenism, 14, 90, 151, 157, 158, 161, 
164, 165, 167, 175, 178, 184 

Hellenistic, 173; — art, 165 

Hellenization, 156, 157, 163 

Henna, 103 

Henry IV, 343, 359 

Hephestus, 157 

Hera, 157 

Herculaneum, 349 

Hercules, 326, 577; — of the Muses, 
128, 162 

heresies, 329 

heretics, 476, 489 

Hermes, 157; — and Mercury, 294 

Hernican power, 54 

hero-portraits, 94-107 

Hescodius, 387 

Hesiod, 179 

Hesperia, 146 

Hestia, 157 

hetairai, 423 

hexameter, 170, 174 

Hiero, 91 

Hildebert of Tours on Rome, 367 

Hildebrand, 379 

Hill of Gardens, 21. Cf. Pincian. 

hill-towns, 14-16, 54 

hills, 180, 131, 151, 202, 254, 578; — 
of Rome, 5, 22, 32, 66, 68 

Himera, 40, 55 

history, 173; —, in Greek, 161; —, in 
Latin, 161 

Histri, 77 

Hohenstaufen, 344 

holidays, 160, 218, 326 

Holy City, 425, 503 

Holy Face, 503 

Holy Family, 279 


629 


Holy Land, 337 

Holy Roman empire, 343, 548, 561, 
582 

Homer, 10, 65, 174, 179; —, gods of, 
46 

Honor and Virtue, temple, 161 

honorary statues, 125 

Honorius, 288, 239, 241, 249, 251, 
252, 335, 393; — in Rome, 335 

Hooker, 550 

Horace, 83, 186, 148, 144, 145, 153, 
164, 165, 166, 178, 176, 178, 184, 
206, 212, 220, 297, 823, 326, 576, 
580; —, Hpistles, 178; —, Odes, 
178; — on Augustan morals, 82; 
— on buildings, 126; — on char- 
acter, 109; — on Greece and the 
arts, 149; — on neglected religion, 
146; — on the Sacred Way, 133; 
—, Satires, 178; —, Scribimus, etc., 
407; — with Mecenas, 184; — on 
the times, 145 

Horatii, 27 

Horatius, 70 

Horatius Cocles, 71, 95 

Horse of Marcus Aurelius, 397, 486; 
— of Trajan, 255 

horse-market, 433 

Horse-tamers, 438 

Hortensius, 124 

house utensils, 217 

houses, 195, 198, 217, 221, 241;) —, 
ancient and modern, 577; — and 
church, 323; —, early, 49, 50; —, 
modern, 569 

Hugo, 343; — and Marozia, 473 

Huns, 336, 339, 342 

hut of Romulus, 70 

Hymettus, 151 

Hypatia, 330 


BERIAN girl, 98 
iconoclastic controversy, 468 
Tliad, 153, 160 
Illyria, 467 
Illyricum, 112 
images destroyed, 345 
imitation of antiquity, 411 ff. 
immortality, 296, 297, 310, 314, 315, 
324, 331 


630 


Imola, 516 

Imperia, 423 

impluvium, 88 

‘imposts, 543 

incest, 312 

incomes, 264 

Index Expurgatorius, 459, 481, 489, 
529 

Indians, 242 

Indies, 482 

indulgences, 418, 420, 426 

Infallibility, 520, 555. Cf. dogma. 

Infessura, 422 

informers, 212 

initiation, 311 

Inn of the Universe, 204, 581 

Innocent III, 476; — consecrated, 
498 

Innocent VIII, 406, 409, 417, 418 

Innocent X, 450, 485 

Innocent XI, 450, 482 

inns, 433 

Inquisition, 459, 476, 489, 529 

inscriptions, 192, 218, 230, 300, 365, 
455 

insurrections, 517 

Interamna, 61 

intolerance, 330 

invaders, 270, 355 ff. 

invasion, 510 

Ionic Greek temple, 69 

Trenzeus, 289 

Isaac, 279 

Isaac the exarch, 345 

Ishmaelites, 383 

Isidorian decretals, 377 

Isis, 221, 224, 268, 294, 295, 296, 324, 
382 

Isis and Serapis, temple, 123, 247 

island, 4385 

Isocrates, 152, 173 

Isthmian games, 112 

Italian, 175, 178, 204, 287, 875; — 
army, 531, 571; — cities, 66, 220, 
405, 410, 418, 474, 478, 510, 563, 
584; — cities and art, 415; — 
communities, 580; — courts, 423; 
— government, 555, 568; — lan- 
guage, 191, 382, 508, 578; — Le- 
gion, 516, 530, 583; — monarchy, 


INDEX 


484; — nationalism, 471, 557; — 
parliament, 519, 561; — people, 
168, 578; — People’s Party, 565; 
— poets, 407; — politics, 566; — 
race, 478; — soil, 174; — state, 
512, 517, 520, 521, 522, 523, 554, 
560; — states, 416; — states re- 
stored, 5138 

Italian-born, 239 

Italianization, 157 

Italians, 92, 187, 443, 563 

Italic deities, 293 

Italy, 155, 156, 160, 174, 194, 203, 
204, 205, 206, 218, 227, 288, 286, 
238, 239, 241, 294, 299, 835, 341, 
343, 344, 563; — a province, 238; 
— and the foreigner, 461; —, 
disunion of, 510; —, physical di- 
versity of, 508; —, political unity 
of, 509; —, racial diversity of, 
508; —, religious unity of, 509; 
—, rise of, 513 

iustitiarii, 476 


ANICULUM, 21, 22, 28, 40, 69, 
125, 151, 180, 387, 431, 440, 449, 
534, 558, 580 

Janus, 47, 361, 387 

Janus, temple, 27, 252 

Janus Quadrifrons, 361 

Japhet, 387 

Jericho, 380 

Jerome, 219, 225, 240, 321, 827, 338, 
363, 364, 466; — on fall of Rome, 
336, 337; — on priests, 828 

Jerusalem, 337, 350, 380, 384, 465 

Jesuits, 434, 459, 481, 482, 529, 552 

Jesus, 278, 279, 282, 289 

Jews in Rome, 283, 284, 318, 384, 
431, 500, 551 

Joachim du Bellay, 457 

Johannes Burckard, 4383 

John, pope, 345 

John XII, 878, 4'74 

John XXII, 378, 392 

Jonah, 279 

Joseph Bonaparte, 526 

Jove, Capitolian, 134 

Jovis, 47, 48 


INDEX 


Jubilee, 396, 397, 425; — of 1550, 
502 

Judea, 283 

judges, 474, 477; —, corrupt, 485 

Jugurtha, 187 

Julia, 142, 213 

Julian, 233, 239, 240, 268, 291, 323, 
335; — and the Christians, 329 

Julian Alps, 336 

Julian Medici, 417 

Julianus, 228, 232 

Julius II, 404, 406, 417, 418, 423, 
479; — and the foreigner, 510 

Julius III, 446, 496 

Juno, 48, 98, 157, 268, 294; — on the 
Aventine, 161; —, temple, 68, 436; 
— of Lanuvium, 88 

Jupiter, 27, 28, 48, 98, 157, 268, 305, 
413; —, Latin, 88 

Jupiter, temple, 29, 30, 50, 68, 71, 
152, 197, 210, 254, 387, 436 

Jupiter Stator, temple, 68 

Jupiter Victor, temple, 68 

Justin, 289 

Justinian, 340, 393, 467; —, code of, 
391 

Justinian IT, 345 

Juvenal, 175, 206, 212, 216, 222; — 
on Rome, 209 

Juventii, 81 


AUFMANN, Angelica, 457 
Keats, 457 
Keller, Ferdinand, 549 
king, 48, 62, 63, 79, 115 
King, Rufus, 552 
Kingdom of God, 223, 282, 330; — 
of Heaven, 297 
kingdom of Italy, 513, 528 
Kircherian collection, 455 
knights, 136, 203 
Kriton, 210 


ABICUM, 363 
Lactantius, 321 

Lelius, 162, 163 
lesa maiestas, 301 
laicization, 541 
Lake Regillus, 68 
Lambert of Spoleto, 343 
lamps, ancient and modern, 577 








631 


Lanciani, on marble, 200; — on 
Saint Peter, 462 

land, distribution, 57, 60, 63, 82; — 
grants, 235 

landholders, 240 

landowners, 234 

land-tax, 236 

Lanuvium, 15 

large estates, 82 

Last Supper, 279 

Lateran, 346, 359, 370, 372, 385, 408, 
428, 434, 486, 437, 488, 446, 500, 
554; — gate, 538; — museum, 455; 
— palace, 345, 448, 465, 474; — 
quarter, 361 

Laterani, 362 

Latin, 48; — authors, 214; — blood, 
75; — character, 42; — cities, 29, 
53, 54, 61, 74, 392; — colonies, 60- 
62; — consul, 55; — culture, 16, 
35, 42, 155; — deities, 293; — fes- 
tival, 88; — Gate, 384; — hamlet, 
576; — language, 44, 61, 155, 164, 
179, 189, 191, 192, 381, 382, 578; — 
league, 54; — lowlands, 38; — 
people, 29, 38, 41, 43, 55, 74, 204; 
— plain, 13, 21, 276; — religion, 
159; — stock, 91; — tongue, 239; 
— towns, 72, 156; — traits, 37; — 
tribes, 30, 89, 93, 299; — Way, 
359 

Latinism, 427 

Latinus, 25 

Latinus Silvius, 25 

Latium, 149, 160, 180, 194, 205, 238; 
—, earliest men of, 8-17; —, early 
people of, 16; —, geology of, 3-7; 
—, plain, 14 

Laurentius Manlius, 399 

Lavinia, 25 

Lavinium, 15, 25 

law, 171, 230; —, modern, 171; — of 
Guarantees, 520, 562 

law-court, 172 

laws, 266 

lay ministers, 531 

legacies, 328 

legacy to the Church, 469 

Legations, 512, 516, 551 

legends, 382, 383 


632 INDEX © 


legislation, 566 

Lentuli, 81 

Leo III, 473 

Leo IV, 409 

Leo the Great, 299, 467, 468; — on 
the Roman empire, 185 

Leo the Isaurian, 468 

Leo IX, 377 

Leo X, 404, 406, 412, 414, 423, 428, 
444, 459, 479 

Leo XII, 481, 484, 489, 524, 529 

Leon Battista Alberti, 409 

Leonine city, 369, 391, 409, 446, 447, 
534, 561 

Leontini, 156 

Leopardi, 515 

Lesbians, 173 

Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 535 

Lethe, 425 

Leto, statue, 133 

Lewis of Provence, 343 

libations, 316 

Liber, 47 

Libera, 47 

liberalism, 530 

Liberius, 329, 466 

Liberty, hall of, 128 

libraries, 197, 202, 248, 260, 454, 585 

Licinian laws, 64, 67, 116 

Licinius Publius, 79 

lictors, 27, 44, 1385, 252 

Life of Cola di Rienzo, 372 

lime-kilns, 365 

limestone, 129 

lions, 434 

Lippi, 408 

Liszt, 548 

literature, 164, 166, 173, 175, 208, 
218, 240, 242; —, Greek, 163, 165, 
173, 175, 177, 178, 181; —, pagan, 
821, 326; —, Roman, 160, 161, 167; 
—, scientific study of, 173 

Little Rock, Arkansas, 556 

Livius Andronicus, 160, 161, 163 

Livy, 27, 30, 127, 148, 144, 175, 206, 
212, 243; — and early Rome, 24; 
— on Canne, 91; — on Cato, 101- 
102; — on character, 84, 103; — 
on fires, etc. 72; — on Greeks, 
183; — on Hannibal after Cannex, 


93; — on luxury, 141; — on men 
of old, 107; —, pictured page of, 
578; —, on population, 67; — on 


portents, 89; — on reverses, 94; 
—on riches, 84; — on second Punic 
war, 90; — on Servian reform, 


170; — on the empire, 117; — on 
the ideal soldier, 78; — on the 
Senate, 106; — on the times, 145; 
— on Trasimene, 91; —, speech 
on Camillus, 37 

locusts, 73 

Lollia Paulina, 210 

Lombards, 341, 342, 348, 344, 345, 
358, 471 

Lombardy, ceded, 518; — and Vene- 
tia, 513 

Longfellow, 457, 549 

Lord, 280, 298 

Lorenzo Medici, 427 

Los Angeles cathedral, 482 

lottery, 219, 544 

Louis Bonaparte, 458 

Louis Napoleon, emperor, 518 

Lowing-gate, 35, 80. Cf. Mugonia. 

Loyola, 459, 481 

Luca, 61 

Lucan, 212; — on Rome, 209 

Lucania, colonies, 61 

Lucanicus, 263 

Lucca, 513 

Luceria, 60, 61 

Lucien Bonaparte, 458 

Lucilius, 162, 174, 206; — on virtus, 
86, 170 

Lucilla, 278 

Lucius, 128 

Lucretia, 30, 94, 413 

Lucretius, 144, 158, 164, 175, 206; 
—, On Nature, 165 

Lucullus, 163 

Lucumo, 28 

Ludi Romani, 88 

Ludovisi, 449 

Luna, 61, 200, 429 

Lungaretta, 429 

Lupercal, 70 

Lupercalia, 81, 326, 413 

Lusitania, 189 

Luther, 425, 459 





| 
5 
dl 
t 


INDEX 


luxury, 84, 85, 140, 141, 145, 181, 
182, 192; —, post-Renaissance, 456 

Lycurgus, 58 

Lyons, 193, 206 

lyres, 260 

lyric, 165 

Lysias, 152 


ACBETH, 394 
Macedon, 73, 127, 162 
Macedonia, 71, 104, 112, 229, 336, 510 
Macedonian empire 57; — phalanx, 
56; — wars, 78, 94 
Macedonians, 78, 99, 237 
Macerata, 514, 533 
Machiavelli, 490, 511 
Macrinus, 228 
Macrobius, 239, 269; —, Saturnalia, 
269 
Madama, palace, 428, 483, 520, 544 
Maderna, 453 
Madonna, 577 
Mecenas, 124, 134, 144, 165, 206, 405 
magazines, 221 
Magenta, 518 
magic, 296, 297, 326, 382 
magistrates, 64, 79, 89, 91, 116, 132 
Magna Grecia, 56, 177 
Magnentius, 252 
Mago, 80 
Mai, Angelo, 455 
Major Litany, 326 
mal napolitain, 428 
malattia francese, 423 
Malgalbinus, 384 
Malta, 56 
Mameli, 553 
Mamiani, 532 
Mammon, 416 ff. 
Manara, Luciano, 5384, 585, 536, 537, 
553 
mandatarit, 476 
Manfred, 344; — senator, 477 
Manicheism, 329 
Manlian discipline, 96 
Manlius, Marcus, 95 
Manlius, Titus, 96 
manners, 389 
Mantegna, 408 
Mantuan conspirators, 518 








633 


Manual of Epicetus, 298 

manuscripts, 585 

Manzoni, 515 

marble, 126, 129, 188, 152, 171, 200, 
205, 241, 248, 348, 360, 365, 366, 
871, 389 

marble-wharf, 366 

Marcellus, the sword of Rome, 98, 
161, 258 

Marcellus, Augustan, 128; —, fu- 
neral of, 135 

Marcius Philippus, 128 

Marcomanni, 228, 336, 342 

Maremma, 472, 539 

Marforio, 486, 487, 527, 528; — 
dumb, 572 

Margani, 361 

Maria Carolina, 457 

Maria Clementina, 458 

Maria Louisa, 513 

Maria Louisa of Spain, 513 

Maria Theresa, 545 

Marino, 369, 457 

Marius, 116, 136, 188 

Marjorian’s edict, 355 

Marmorata, 366, 435 

Marozia, 343 

marriage, 63, 212 

Mars, 48, 87, 157; — the Avenger, 
temple of, 128; —, plain of, 22 

Marseilles, 46, 156, 157, 516 

Martial, 175, 206, 212, 217 

Martin V, 402, 403 

martyrdoms, 580 

martyrs, 225, 279, 280, 282, 288, 307, 
820, 328, 331, 382, 425, 540, 564 

Mary the Mother, 326 

Masaccio, 408 

Masina, Angelo, 533, 546, 553 

masque, 571 

Massilia, 156 

Master, 319 

material, building, 125, 129, 200, 201, 
205, 357, 365, 577 

Mattei, Cardinal, 539; —, palace, 
AAT, 452 

Matthew, Gospel, 441 

mausoleum, Flavian, 199; — of Au- 
gustus, 127, 199, 361, 365, 437, 551; 
— of Hadrian, 199, 351, 356, 359, 


634 


432, 479; — of the Julian family, 
124 
Maxentius, 196, 247, 264 
Maximian, 238, 305 
Maximin, 290 
Maximinus, 196 
Mayence, 188 
Mazzini, 516, 580, 533, 553, 565 
measures, 156 


Mede, 118 

medieval, 268; — code, 485; — 
legends of Rome, 384-388; — 
palaces, 432; — surroundings, 
429 


medizvalism, 571 

median, 475 

mediation, 297 

Medici, Giacomo, 537 

Medici, Giovanni dei, 406, 433 

Medici Legion, 537 

Medici, villa, 446 

Meditations of Marcus 
298 

Mediterranean, 115, 155; — lands, 
137, 184; — race, 9, 14, 15, 48; — 
sea, 53, 56, 57, 112, 238; — stock, 
508; — tongue, 17; — world, 41, 
119, 148, 166, 232 

Medullia, 28 

Melegnano, 518 

Melozzo, 408 

Memphis and Thebes, 583 

Menander, 152 

Menenius Agrippa, 95 

Mengs, Raphael, 454, 457 

Menotti, 516 

Mentana, 520 

mercenaries, 235, 266 

Mercury, 157, 262; — and lamb, 322 

merry monarchs, 417 

Mesopotamia, 188, 189 

Messana, 56, 104 

Messina, 112, 156 

Metapontum, 156 

Metastasio, 454 

Metaurus, 241 

metropolitans, 465 

Meuse, 342 

Michelangelo, 246, 406, 408, 410, 438, 
4AG, 447 


Aurelius, 


INDEX 


Middle Age, 230, 240, 268 

Milan, 233, 238, 239, 252, 393, 466, 
467, 523 

military tribunate, 63 

militia, 475 

mills, 351 

mimes, 260 

Minerva, 48, 98, 157, 268, 294 

ministries, 565; — of Pius IX, 541 

Mino da Fiesole, 408 

Minor Litany, 326 

Mint, 68 

Minturne, 61, 89 

Minucius Felix, 309 

Mirabilia, 385 

Misericordia, 4385 

missi, 472 

missions, 482 

Mithreeum, 245, 324 

Mithras, 221, 224, 268, 296, 382 

Mithridates, 137 

Moab, 337 

mobs, ancient and modern, 579 

Modena, 516; — and Reggio, 513 

Mogontiacum, 188 

Molara, 369 

Mommsen, 548 

monarchy, 62, 63, 65, 77, 116, 117; 
—, Italian, 565; —, papal, 495 

monasteries, 363, 364, 365 

monasticism, 381 

Moneta, 387 

money, 81; —, papal, 491 

monks, 328, 577 

monogram, 278 

monolith of Antoninus Pius, 199 

monopolies, 493 

monotheism, 295, 297, 303 

Montaigne, 457; — on Rome, 502 

Montanism, 329 

Montebello, 518 

Monte Caprino, 436 

Monte Cassino, 366, 881 

Monte Cavallo, 438 

Monte Cavo, 576 

Monte Giordano, 482 

Monte Mario, 7, 21, 22, 395 

Monte Rotondo, 369 

Montecitorio, 406, 487, 520, 544 

monti, 485 


INDEX 


Monti, 429, 439, 454, 569, 575; — 
rione, described, 4388 

Monumento Vittorio 
569 

monuments, 202, 221, 223, 240, 241, 
250, 251, 275, 327, 338, 349, 350, 
852, 353, 356, 360, 361, 364, 365, 
366, 371, 403, 414, 439, 455, 456, 
566, 572, 573, 575, 584; — pro- 
tected, 241 

Moor, 242, 383 

morals, 2138, 222, 302; — and the 
Church, 377; —, Christian, 219; 
— of Augustan times, 143; —, 
pagan, 298; —, Renaissance, 416 ff. 

More, Thomas, 426, 490 

Morosini, 553 

mosaicists, 365 

mosaics, 366, 389 

Moses, 279 

mos maiorum, 87, 307 

Mother Church, 300 

mother city, 118 

Mother of the Church, 390 

Mother Rome, 188, 1938, 220, 299 

Mucius Scevola, 95 

mud and tile, 409 

Mudai couple, 551 

Mugonia, 35 

Mummius, 112 

Munatius Plancus, 128 

municipality of Rome, 346 

municipium, 60 

murders, 203 

Museo Chiaramonti, 451 

Museo Nazionale, 246, 44:7 

museums, 202, 454, 566, 573, 585 

Mussolini, 566, 567 

Mutina, 61 

Mycene, 10 

Mycenean, 16, 156; — areas, 16 

Myron’s oxen, 133 

mysteries, 308; — of Mithras, 296 

mysticism, 296 


Emanuele, 


JE VIUS, 161 
Name, 279, 284, 288 
Naples, 91, 501, 514, 516, 573; — 
and Sicily, 513; —, region of, 156 


635 


Napoleon, 458, 519, 526; — in Italy, 
512; — on Italy, 509; — over- 
thrown, 513 

Napoleon III, 511, 518, 519, 533, 555 

Napoleonic troubles, 568 

Narnia, 61 

Narses, 356; — in Rome, 340; —, 
triumph of, 393 

nationalism, 508, 510, 518, 522, 567; 
— in Rome, 532 

nationalists, 565 

Natural History, 217 

naval yards, 70, 124 

navy, papal, 496 

Naxos, 156 

Neapolitan ambassador, 501; — rule, 
518 

Nemi, 5 

neo-Latin poets, 407 

neolithic, 43 

neo-Platonism, 268, 295, 296, 324 

nepotism, 418, 483 

Neptune, 157 

Nero, 196, 197, 198, 199, 203, 204, 
210, 218, 215, 217, 220, 223, 224, 
282, 287; — and Greece, 183; — 
and Parthia, 188; —, house of, 569 

Nerva, 203 

Nervii, 192 

New Testament, 463 

New World, 374 

New York City, 220 

Nibby, 456 

Nicholas I, 473 

Nicholas III, 477 

Nicholas V, 404, 405, 417; —, plan 
of, 408 

Nicholas Coscia, 485 

Nicomachus Flavianus, 269 

Nicomedia, 2383, 238, 291 

Niger, 228 

Nile valley, 118, 189, 190, 289 

Nino Bixio, 536 

Noah, 279, 387 

Nobilis Romanus, 550 

nobility, 203, 216, 257, 364, 477, 555 

Noble Guards, 539 

nobles, 162, 346, 397, 554 

nomenclature, ancient, 413 

Norba, 61 


636 


Noricans, 237 
Normans, 343, 371 
notaries, 477 
Notitia, 247, 251 
Novara, 533 
Novatianism, 329 
Numa Pompilius, 27; —, law of, 84 
Numerian, 230 
Numidia, 200 
Numitor, 25, 26 
nuns, 324, 577 


BELISK, 255, 448, 585; — of 

Augustus, 124, 437 
occidental civilization, 586 
Ocean, 118, 271 
Ocriculum, 253 
Octavian, 474 
Octavius, 309, 320 
October excursions, 580 
Gdescalchi, palace, 450 
odeum, 248, 254 
odium generis humani, 308 
Odoacer, 235, 340 
Odyssey, 153, 160 
Offa of Essex, 394 
offices for sale, 485 
Olevano, 369 
oligarchy, 117 
Olympic gods, 294 
Olympus, 242, 413 
One God, 295, 308 
Oppian, 21, 26 
Oppian law, 141 
Ops, 47, 294 
optimate and democrat, 579 
optimates, 358 
oracles, 296 
orators, 85, 86, 162, 164 
orchards, 438 
orchestra, 172 
orders, 64 
Orfitus, 252 
organs, 260 
Orient, 35, 187, 192, 295, 585; — 

and Etruscans, 41 

oriental blood, 205 
Origines of Cato, 90, 141 
Ormizda, 255 
Orontes, 270 


INDEX 


Orpheus and the lyre, 322 

Orsini, 861, 869, 402, 482, 450, 477; 
— collection, 455 

Orso, inn, 432 

orthodox faith, 159 

Orvieto, 496, 538 

Oscan people, 16 

osteria, 580 

Ostia, 7, 28, 70, 124, 151, 201, 473 

Ostian gate, 401, 446; — Way, 362 

Ostrogoths, 340, 354 

Otto I, 343 

Otto III, 391 

Oudinot, 517, 584; —, attack by, 
June 38, 585; — enters Rome, 538 

Overbeck, 549 

Ovid, 165, 175, 212; — and early 
Rome, 24; — at the races, 134 © 


Pe on temporal power, 561 

Pacuvius, 70, 161 

penula, 577 

Pestum, 61, 91, 156 

pagan and Christian, 318 

pagan attitude, 304 ff. 

pagan slanders, 311; — society, 234; 
— spirits, 326 

Paganalia, 81 

paganism, 214, 224, 268, 282, 319; — 
and society, 307; —, decline of, 
291; —, fall of, 292; — restored, 
323; — revived, 404 ff. 

pagans and office, 326 

Pagonii, 258 

painter’s art, 389 

painters, Renaissance, 408 

painting, 173, 279, 322, 454 

palace of Tiberius, 365; — of Titus, 
383; — of Vespasian, 384 

palaces, 180, 163, 172, 198, 202, 204, 
249, 381, 422; — of the Cesars, 
350 

palestra, 131 

Palatine, 21, 22, 25, 26, 28, 29, 33, 
35, 36, 38, 40, 50, 68, 69, 70, 80, 
124, 126, 180, 1382, 183, 184, 135, 
151, 197, 198, 238, 245, 249, 265, 
348, 350, 361, 363, 370, 387, 435, 
436, 446, 456, 575, 576; — deserted, 
359; —, early, 24; — settlement, 


INDEX 


584; —, thirteenth century, 371; 
— Venus, 126 

Palatium, 35, 248 

Palazzo, di Giustizia, 569; — Far- 
nese, 410; — Venezia, 409 

Palermo, 514, 516 

Pales, 35, 80 

Palestrina, 369, 454, 535 

Palestro, 518 

Paliano, 369 

Palilia, 81; — revived, 412 

palisade of Hadrian, 188 

Palladium, 241 

Palmyra, 118 

Palombara, palace, 525 

Pamfili, palace, 450 

Panetius, 162 

Pannartz and Schweinheim, 407 

Pannonia, 336, 339 

panorama from Janiculum, 440 

Pantheon, 123, 128, 197, 254, 353, 
356, 363, 4384, 576; — bronze, 449 

pantheons, 157 

Panvinio, 419 

papa, 468 

papacy overthrown, 512 

papal, armies, 538; — character, 
480 ff.; — charities, 544; — court, 
405, 406, 419; — despotism, 515; 
— documents, 574; — estates, 345; 
— families, 448; — frailties, 489; 
— gardens, Quirinal, 449; — 
monarchs, 416 ff.; — name on 
accession, 474; — nephews, 449; 
— railways, 546; — reform, 459; 
— state, 490, 496, 497, 513, 516, 
519, 522, 524, 553, 555; — state, 
fall of, 520; — subsidy, 545; — 
troops, 571; — tyrannies, 550 

Papirius Cursor, 97 

parades, 412 

Paradise, 414 

Parioli, 585 

Parione, 429, 500; — described, 432 

Paris, 388, 389; — revolution of 
1830, 516 

parishes, 281 

Parker, Theodore, 548 

parks, 124, 201. Cf. gardens. 


637 


parliament, 562; — at Florence, 520 

Parma, 61; — and Piacenza, 513 

Parnes, 152 

Paros, 200 

Parthenon, 152, 154 

Parthia, 188, 229 

Parthian legion, 237 

Parthians, 186, 137, 227, 228, 259 

pasquinade on Leo XII, 530 

pasquinades, 433 

Pasquino, 433, 486, 487, 504, 527, 528; 
— dumb, 571; — speaks, 488 

Passatore, 548 

patres conscripti, 413 

patrician, 339, 340, 342; — families, 
A457 

patricians, 27, 63, 118, 1389, 299, 303, 
ATT 

patrimonies, 368 

patrimonium, 345, 495 

patrimonium Cesaris, 469; — ec- 
clesiasticum, 469; — pontificium, 
469; — Tuscie, 470 

patrimony, 470, 475, 519 

Paul, 288, 298, 377; —, hired house 
of, 282; — to the Romans, 282 

Paul I, 471 

Paul II, 406, 413, 417, 425, 479 

Paul IIT, 446, 480, 481, 483, 496 

Paul IV, 447, 480 

Paul V, 449, 495, 496; — and the 
ruins, 456 

Paulinus of Nola, 364 

Pavia, 342 

Pazzi conspiracy, 419 

Peace, temple, 197, 199 

Pelagius, 340, 470 

Pellico, 515 

Penitents, 397 

Pentapolis, 471 

Pentelicon, 151 

Penthesilea, 413 

peperino, 200 

Pepin, 342, 345, 364, 381, 383, 391, 
460, 471, 495, 511 

Pergamum, 114, 167 

Periclean, 165 

Pericles, 154, 166 

peristyle, 152 

Perrasii, 258 


6338 


persecution by Domitian, 284; — by 
Nero, 283, 284; —, papal, 489 

persecutions, 280, 281, 288, 305, 319, 
328; —, Severus to Diocletian, 290 

Perseus, 71, 99 

Persia, 255 

Persian power, 229 

Persians, 229, 239, 387 

Persius, 206, 212 

personality of God, 296 

Pertinax, 228 

Perugia, 496 

Perugino, 406, 408 

Peruzzi, 410, 453 

Pesaro, 471 

Pessinus, 294 

pestilence, 242, 339, 341. Cf. plague. 

Peter, 441, 495; — and the Church, 
462, 463; — and Paul, statues, 448 

Petrarch, 871, 372, 373, 401, 403; — 
crowned, 397, 412; — on ignorance 
of Rome, 388; — to Rienzo, 510 

Petreius, 412 

Petronius, 204, 212 

Philip the Arab, 392 

Philip of Macedon, 57, 78, 161, 162, 
183 

philosophers, 162, 181, 231, 308 

philosophy, 158, 164, 165, 166, 169, 
175, 2238, 267, 268, 294, 297, 324, 
414 

Phoebe, 278 

Phoenicia, 14 

Pheenician, 16, 155 

Phrygian, 77, 200 

Phrygians, 294 

physics, 297 

Piave, 227 

Piazza Barberini, 437; — Colonna, 
450, 493; — del Campidoglio, 452; 
— dell’ Esedra, 247; — del Popolo, 
437, 493, 495, 542; — di Spagna, 
437, 527, 547; — Mastai, 546; — 
Navona, 432, 433, 448, 447, 527; 
— of Livia, 1832; — San Pietro, 
540; — Venezia, 569 

Picentes, 61 

Picenum, colonies, 61 

Picts, 228, 234 

Piedmont, 515, 517, 518, 519; — and 


INDEX 


France, 518; — and Napoleon III, 
553; — and Savoy, 518; — rises, 
524 

Piedmontese despotism, 515 

Pierleoni, 343, 361 

Piero della Francesca, 408 

Pietro Aldobrandini, 483 

Pietro Aretino, 424 

Pigna, 430; — rione, described, 434 

Pilate, 435 

pile-village, 14 

pilgrims, 252, 279, 281, 333, 373, 389, 
394, 396, 398, 425, 568, 573 

Pillars of Hercules, 114 

Pincio, 437, 580 

Pinturicchio, 406, 408 

Piombino, 527 

Pirzeus, 152 

Piranesi, 454 

pirates, 137 

Pisa, 389 

Piscina publica, 248 

Piso, 197 

Pistoia, 389 

Pius IT, 417, 484 

Pius IV, 447, 481, 486, 496 

Pius V, 447, 480, 485, 489; —, ascetic, 
459 

Pius VI, 451, 496, 525; — and Pas- 
quino, 487; —, death of, 528; — 
in exile, 512, 526 

Pius VII, 451, 489, 524, 561; — and 
Napoleon, 528; — at Fontaine- 
bleau, 529; — in exile, 518; — 
returns, 529 

Pius VIII, 524, 529 

Pius IX, 447, 451, 471, 489, 496, 497, 
511, 524, 530, 531, 538, 550, 554; — 
and liberalism, 517; — last public 
appearance of, 556; — returns, 
518, 589 

Poggio, Facetie, 422 

Placentia, 61 

plague, 28, 72, 73, 227, 289 

Platina, 407, 438 

Plato, 166, 173, 231, 298 

Platonic ideal, 227; — virtues,. 567 

Plautus, 70, 173, 206; — on the 
Forum, 104 

plays, 152, 260 





INDEX 


plebeians, 64, 115, 182, 139, 168, 300 

plebiscite of 1860, 519; — of 1870, 
520, 561 

plebs, 95 

Pleminius, 72 

Pliny, 175, 206, 220, 222, 243; — and 
Christians, 285; — and gladiators, 
218; — and persecution, 304 

Pliny the elder, 217; — on aque- 
ducts, 200; — on Rome, 185 

Plinys, 212 

Plombiéres, 518 

Plotina, 210 

Plutarch, 222; — on Cato, 100-101, 
106; — on Greece, 191 

Po, 10, 18, 33, 112; — valley, 339 

podesta, 477 

poetry, Greek, 166; —, post-Renais- 
sance, 454 

poets, 164; —-, Renaissance, 407 

Poggio Bracciolini, 404, 406, 424, 
456; — on Eugenius’ reign, 403; 
— on Renaissance Rome, 399 

poison, 203 

police, 182, 552, 553 

political ideals, 170 

politics, 564; — and the Church, 565 

Politorium, 28 

Pollaiuoli, 408 

Pollentia, 251, 335 

polling-place, 128 

Polybius, 162 

polytheism, 293 

Pompeian, 173 

Pompeii, 218, 349 

Pompey, 1380, 131, 579 

Pompilius, 251 

Pomponius Leetus, 407, 412, 438 

Pomponius, Marcus, 91 

Pomptine marshes, 125, 350 

Ponte, 423, 429; — rione, described, 
432 

Ponte Galera, 7; — Lucano, 361; — 
Rotto, 447; — Sant’ Angelo, 425, 
484; — Sisto, 409, 429, 448, 527 

Pontiz, 61 

pontifex, 97 

pontifex maximus, 27, 64, 121, 133, 
413, 466, 577 

pontiff, 298 


639 


Pontiff Terrible, 417 

Pontius Pilate, 283 

Pontus, 112, 118 

Pool, 104 

pool of Curtius, 71 

pope a prisoner, 520 

pope, and city, 473; — and emperor, 
359; — and people, 402, 472 

pope, the name, 468 

pope-kings, 460, 462 ff., 473, 490, 498, 
500 

Pope’s Angel, 531 

popes, 342, 346, 358, 378, 490, 579; 
— and populace, 378; —, residence 
of, 8370; — return, 401 

Poppa, 210 

populace, ancient and modern, 579 

population, 205, 211, 230, 240, 451 f., 
545; —, Empire, 123; —, Italy, 
235, 565; —, Republic, 67; —, 
Rome, 341, 568, 569, 570; —, twen- 
tieth century, 67 

Porcii, 81 

Pordaca, 263 

porphyry, 201, 241, 355, 366 

Porta Angelica, 447, 527, 584; — 
station, 546 

Porta Asinaria, 351, 447; — Capena, 
247; — Cavalleggeri, 449, 5384; — 
del Popolo, 359, 547, 552; — di 
San Lorenzo, 359; — Flumentana, 


73; — Maggiore, 323, 451; — 
Maggiore station, 546; — Mu- 
gonia, 80; — Nomentana, 362; — 


Pertusa, 534; — Pia, 447, 546; — 
Pia, breach of, 520, 561; — Por- 
tese, 449, 485; — Portese station, 
546; Romanula, 35; — Salaria, 
336, 487; — San Giovanni, 447, 
5389; — San Pancrazio, 450, 534, 
536, 546 

portents, 88 

Portia, 413 

portico of Apollo, 124; — of Octa- 
via, 123, 354, 431; — Pompey, 123; 
— of the Argonauts, 123 

porticoes, 128, 152, 172, 199, 248, 575 

portraiture, 172 

Portuguese ambassador, 550; — lan- 
guage, 191 


640 


Poseidon, 157 

Posidonius, 164, 1738 

postage stamps, 543 

post-Renaissance, 453 

post-roads, 118 

Poussin, 454 

Powers, 461, 518; —, Memorandum 
of 1831, 531 

pozzolana, 577 

preeco, 476 

prefectus urbis, 474 

Preeneste, 15, 30, 40, 41, 44, 576 

pretextata, 174 

Pretextatus, 827, 329, 338 

pretor, 64, 83, 92 

pretorian camp, 241, 488 

pretorians, 182, 197, 228, 230, 237 

preetorship, 63 

Prati, 454 

prefect, 288, 329, 466 

Presbyterian church, 552 

presidency of Rome, 510 

press, 551, 572 

Priam, 387 

priest and layman, 464 

priesthood, 158 

priest-king, 27 

prince and pope, 4:74 

Princeps Senatus, 121 

Prisci Latini, 25, 28 

prison, 72 

prize-ring, 218 

Probus, 229, 233, 339 

Probus, senator, 264 

Proca, 25 

procession of Innocent III, 498; — 
of 1581 seen by Montaigne, 502 f. 

processions, 412, 434, 497, 578 

proconsul, 114, 120 

prodigies, 88 

Propaganda, 482 

Propertius, 133, 165, 175, 576 

propretors, 114, 120 

proscription, 136 

Proserpina, Stygian, 294 

prosody, decay of, 240 

prostitution, 212 

Protagoras of Abdera, 309 

Protesilaus, 315 

Protestantism, 551 f. 


INDEX 


“Protestant Pope,” 481 

Provence, 343 

provinces, 114, 119, 166, 194, 203, 
207, 210, 218, 220, 229, 233, 467, 
470, 542; —, Church, 471 

provincial blood, 578 

provincialism, 489, 567 

provincials, 268, 336 

Prudentius, 239, 243, 331 

Prussia and Italy, 519 

Prussian interference, 519 

Ptolemy the Second, 56 

publisher, 190 

Pulcinella, 577 

Punic, 75 

Punic Africa, 112 

Punic war, first, 56, 161 

Punic war, second, 56, 67, 82, 141, 
161, 240 

Punic war, third, 67 

Punic wars, 82, 137, 580 

Purification of Mary, 326 

Pydna, 112, 162 

Pyrenees, 339 

Pyrgi, 61 

Pyrrhus, 56, 57, 80, 97, 109, 148, 160, 
253 


UADE, 228, 336, 342 
Quadi, 342 
queestorship, 63, 76 
quarries, 280 
queen of Italy, 567 
Quinctius Flamininus, Titus, 78, 99, 
112, 161, 163, 181 
quinquiremes, 70 
Quintilian, 206; — on the Salii, 87 
Quintilius, 165 
Quintus Cicero, 189, 165 
Quirinal, 21, 22, 23, 29, 33, 36, 69, 95, 
246, 247, 363, 407, 488, 447, 452, 
520, 540, 541 . 


ABELAITS, 457 

4 races, 184, 264, 265, 352 
race-track, 219 
racial change, 137 
Ranke, 549 
Raphael, 406, 408, 410 
Rattazzi bill, 518, 553 


———— 


INDEX 


Ravenna, 288, 252, 342, 344, 366, 
393, 467, 471, 498, 514, 538 

Read, Buchanan, 548 

readers, 290 

Reate, 89 

Reburri, 258 

Red Triumvirate, 541 

reform, 381 

Reformation, 424, 459, 460 

regeneration, 297, 324 

Regensburg, 188 

Regina, 278 

regio, 577 

regiones, 575 

regions, 125, 194, 197, 241; —, four- 
teen, 247, 429; — of Augustus, 
439; —, Renaissance, 429 

regnum, 267 

Regola, 429; — described, 431 

Regulus, 97, 176, 580 

relics, 278, 328, 336, 383, 394, 456 

reliefs, 172, 217 

religion, 95, 166, 168, 170, 192, 223, 
234, 240, 573; — and the state, 
801, 303; —, Christian, 269; —, 
early, 44, 46, 157, 158, 324; —, 
Empire, 212, 221; —, Etruscan, 
44; —, Greek, 157, 180, 294; —, 
medieval, 268; — of Augustus, 
825; —, oriental, 268; —, pagan, 
269, 293, 297, 301; —, Republic, 
87, 159, 167 

religious experience, 585; — houses, 
518 

Remulus, 77 

Remus, 26 

Renaissance, 172, 178, 174, 501, 510, 
569, 573; — architecture, 155; — 
builders, 428; — culture, 411; — 
Rome, 404 ff. 

rents in Rome, 196 

Republic, 53, 57, 76, 77, 80, 121, 125, 
147, 157, 158, 160, 194, 199, 203, 
209, 213, 222, 286, 251, 294, 575, 
577 

republicanism, 566 

republicans, 565 

rescript of Hadrian, 287, 288; — of 
Trajan, 285 

rescripts, 238 





641 


residences, 125 

resurrection, 278, 318, 315, 324; — 
of Sol Invictus, 326 

Reumont, Alfred von, History of the 
City, 548 

revolution, 115, 116, 474, 514, 518, 
567; — of 11438, 478 

Rhadagaisus, 335 

Rhegium, 156 

Rheims, 389 

Rheinbrohl, 188 

rhetoric, 164, 223, 267, 411 

rhetors, 181 

Rhine, 114, 118, 188, 190, 227, 229, 
241, 253, 271, 335, 339, 342, 585 

Rhodes, 164, 167 

Rhone, 156, 189, 270; — province, 
192; — valley, 56 

Riario, 427; —, palace, 451, 458 

Ricci, villa, 446 

Riccio, Luigi, 556 

Ricimer, 339; —, siege, 350 

right and left, 564 

Rimini, 471; — in revolt, 517 

rings, 80 

ring-wall, 29 

rioni, 429, 541, 569 

Ripa, 423; — rione, 480; — rione, 
described, 435 

Ripetta, 421, 487, 544 

Risorgimento, 505 ff. 

River-city, 35 

River-gate, 35. Cf. Porta Romanula. 

roads, 70, 118, 180, 172, 189, 201 

Robert Guiscard, 343, 359 

Robert of Geneva, 402 

Robigalia, 81, 326 

Rocca Romana, 6— 

Roma, 35 

Roma Caput Mundi, 374 

Roma, caput rerum, 392 

Roma nobilis, 333 

Romagna, 477, 512, 514 

Roman Academy, 407, 412 

Roman arms, 233; — art, 167; 
— assembly, 5388; — blood, 204, 
578; — border towns, 235; — 
boundaries, 299; — _ character, 
30, 88, 438, 44, 45, 57, 89, 103; 
— character, Republic, 76-107, 


642 
111; — Christian Church, 507; — 
cities in Africa, 220; — cities in 


France, 220; — citizenship, 60, 61, 
67; — commonwealth, 478; — con- 
stitution, 5381; — court, 497; — 
cult, 299; — Curia, 418; — deities, 
294; — eagles, 118, 238; — empire, 


561; — empire of today, 583; 
— expansion, 57-61; — frontier, 
227; — gods, 47; — indolence, 
547; — lands, 234, 2385; — 


law, 119; — life, 231; — lines, 
227, 229; — literature, 159; — 
pagan Church, 507; — Peace, 188, 
193; — people, 155, 203, 204, 205, 
211, 221, 251, 267, 341; — posts, 
189; — princes, 554; — question, 
564, 566; — railway stations, 546; 
— republic, 64, 83, 117, 478, 510; 
— republic, medieval, 391; — re- 
public of 1798, 512, 526, 527; — 
republic of 1849, 517, 533, 534; — 
rites, 47; — ruins, 190; — rule, 
190-192, 238; — society, 59, 214, 
231, 234, 256, 269; — society, late, 
256-264; — spirit, 347; — state, 
59, 66, 74, 88, 94, 111, 118, 117, 119, 
121, 122, 145, 147, 162, 299, 478, 
510; — stock, 203, 204, 210; — 
temper, 95; — territories, 112 (cf. 
expansion); — thought, 223-224; 
— tongue, 207, 239, 382; — towns, 
188; — volunteers in 1859, 553; — 
world, 207, 215, 219, 224, 232, 233, 
236, 268, 275, 294, 295, 336 


INDEX 


mission, 582; —, Augustan, 123- 
135, 141, 148, 166, 194, 195; — 
Capital of the World, 391; —, 
city of the soul, 574; —, conquests 
of, 56; —, decay of, 250; —, do- 
minion of, 574; —, earliest, 23-50; 
—, earliest form of, 35; —, early 
Christian, 574; —, fourth form of, 
41; —, geology of, 21-23; — in 
Cato’s time, 66-75; — in Claudian, 
242; — in ruins, 371 f.; — in 
Symmachus, 248; — intellectual 
and esthetic capital, 405; —, 
medizval features of, 394 f.; —, 
Middle Ages in, 352; —, modern, 
570; — of brick, 126; — of marble, 
126; — of Raphael, 428 ff.; — 
of the citizen-soldier, 209; — of 
the Dark Age, 367, 521, 574; — of 
the emperors, 185 ff., 209; — of 
the Empire, 147, 209, 574, 582; — 
of the popes, 574; — of the Re- 
naissance, 570, 574, 583; — of the 
Renaissance, described, 439; —, 
population of, 369, 8372; —, Queen 
of all the Globe, 391; — rebellious, 
531; —, second form of, 36; — 
taken by the French, 537; — the 
bridge, 582; — the capital, 520, 
561, 584; — the epitome, 586; —, 
the Four Regions of, 66; —, third 
form of, 36; —, thirteenth century, 
869 ff.; —, transformations of, 
569, 572; —, twentieth century, 
572 





| 
Romanesco, 454 Rome Restored, 456 | 
Romanism, 184 Rome Triumphant, 456 
Romanization, 60, 190, 206, 207, 299 | Romulus, 26, 27, 35, 148, 153, 387; 
Romans, 205; — and French, 525 —, temple, 247 1 
Rome, Alma Mater, 405; — and | Romulus Augustulus, 339 | 
assimilation, 582; — and civiliza- | Romulus Silvius, 25 . 
tion, 581-587; — and human cul- | Rospigliosi, grounds, 450; — palace, 


ture, 585; — and humanity, 587; 449 
— and legend, 24; — and religion, | Rossellino, 408 
586; — and the Christian move- | Rossi, Pellegrino, 532 


ment, 464; —- and the Latin | Rostra, 68, 71, 85, 98, 135, 249, 253 ; 
League, 54; — and the Occident, | Roumania, 188 
583; — and the poets, 148; — and | Roumanian language, 191 : 


the western world, 586; — and the | round temple, 69 ; 
white race, 586; — and trans- | royalty in Rome, 457 E 





INDEX 


Rucellai, palace, 447 

ruins, 282, 340, 348, 352, 360, 383, 
394, 398, 434, 486, 439, 572, 574, 
575, 576 

Ruminal fig tree, 70 

Rutilius Namatianus, 225, 338 

Rutulian, 77 


ABINE, 48, 78, 205; — army, 26; 
— cow, 71; — Farm, 414, 572; 

— king, 26; — mountains, 13, 15, 
22, 40, 175, 359, 402; — people, 
29, 87, 38; — stock, 35; — women, 
26 

Sabines, 61, 148 

sack of Alaric, 337, 339, 349; — of 
Genseric, 339, 349; — of Robert 
Guiscard, 359; — of 1527, 443 ff., 
549, 568 

Sacra Via, 68 

Sacred Way, 134, 247 

sacrifices, 310, 316; — _ prohibited, 
325 

Septa Julia, 123 

Saffi, 533 

Sahara, 118, 189, 190 

sailors, 205 

Saint Bartholomew, 431, 548; — 
Bartholomew, Massacre of, 489; 
— Calixtus, 277; — Cecilia, 277, 
279; — Domitilla, 284; — Hadrian, 
436; — Louis of France,. 344; — 


Peter at Rome, 462; — Peter 
Damiani on fever, 369; — Pris- 
cilla, 284; — Sebastian, 277; — 


Sergius and Bacchus, 436; — Vic- 
tor, 305, 306 

Saint Francis, church of, 366 

Saint John in Lateran, church of, 
862, 384, 555 

Saint Paul’s, 362, 370, 372, 451, 462 

Saint Peter’s, 248, 341, 355, 363, 364, 
867, 370, 372, 378, 380, 383, 394, 
401, 409, 425, 429, 480, 434, 445, 
446, 498, 502, 503, 535, 539, 552, 
555; — completed, 449; —, dome 
of, 448; —, old, 430; —, sacristy 
of, 451 

saints, 281, 326, 328, 337, 394, 425, 
577 


643 


Salamis, 40 

Salarian gate, 349 

sale of offices, 485 

Salerno, 516 

Salii, 87 

Salsula, 263 

salt-marshes, 28 

Salviati, palace, 447, 452, 525, 552 

Samnite war, 96; — colonies, 61 

Samnites, 55, 89 

Samnium, 13 

Samson, 885 

San Bernardo alle Terme, 247; — 
Carlo al Corso, 493; — Clemente, 
363, 408, 438, 500; — Crisogono, 
863; — Giovanni Decollato, 435; 
— Giovanni dei Fiorentini, 432; 
— Giovanni in Laterano, 362; — 
Lorenzo, 862; — Marcello, 502; 
— Marco, 863; — Marco, palace, 
428, 434; — Martino ai Monti, 363, 
438; —  Pancrazio, chapel, 535, 
536; — Paolo Fuori, 362, 365; — 
Pietro in Montorio, 428, 535, 587; 
— Pietro in Vaticano, 362; — 
Pietro in Vincoli, 409, 428, 488; — 
Silvestro, 488, 583, 585; — Teo- 
doro, 436 

Sangallo, 410, 453 

Sannazzaro, 407 

Santa Caterina dei Funari, 446; — 
Cecilia, 363; — Croce in Gerusa- 
lemme, 362; — Lucina, 368; — 
Maria degli Angeli, 246, 447; — 
Maria della Consolazione, 486; — 
Maria in Cosmedin, 363, 485; — 
Maria Maggiore, 363, 409, 438, 
4AY, 448, 451, 476, 540, 555; — 
Maria Maggiore, column, 449; — 
Maria Sopra Minerva, 4384; — 
Maria Sopra Minerva, obelisk, 
450; — Maria della Pace, 409, 428; 
— Maria del Popolo, 409, 428, 437; 
— Maria Rotonda, 363; — Maria 
in Trastevere, 363; — Prassede, 
862; — Prisca, 363; — Pudenziana, 
862; — Sabina, 363; — Susanna, 
363 

Sant’? Adriano, 363; — Agnese, 362, 
450; — Agostino, 409, 428; — 


644 


Anastasia, 4836; — Andrea, 540; 

‘— Andrea della Valle, 448; — 
Angelo, Castello, 409; — Angelo 
in Pescheria, 551; — Angelo, rione, 
described, 430-481; —- Eustachio, 
rione, described, 480, 433; — Ig- 
nazio, 449; — Onofrio, 440 

Santi Apostoli, 409, 428, 438, 450; — 
Cosma e Damiano, 3638; — Gio- 
vanni e Paolo, 368; — Pietro e 
Marcellino, 363; — Quattro Coro- 
nati, 365 

Santo Spirito, 409, 446; — Stefano 
Rotondo, 368 

Sapienza, 388; —, palace, 452 

Sapphic, 153 

Saracens, 3438, 368, 383; —, invasion 
of, 409 

sarcophagi, 275, 279, 322 

Sardinia, 56, 77, 104, 112; —, lan- 
guage of, 191 

Sarmatians, 336, 339, 342 

Sassoferrato, 454 

Saticula, 61 

satire, 486 

Saturn, 48; —, temple, 67, 127, 12 

Saturnalia, 80 

Saturnian verse, 160, 161 

Saturninus, 116 

Savages of Padua, 514 

Save, 2383 

Savelli, 361, 368, 435; —, palace, 431 

Savior, 322 

Saxon line, 3438 

Saxons, 387 

sbirri, 494 

Scala Pegia, 556 

Scala Santa, 448 

Sealiger, 424 

scarlet woman, 331 

Scarpone’s, 536 

scholars, 457 

Sciarra, palace, 452 

science, 267 

Scipio, 98, 161, 181 

Scipio Africanus, 1836; — Nasica, 
105; — the younger, 162 

Scipios, 163 

Scipione Borghese, 483 

Scipionic circle, 162, 174 


INDEX 


Scotland, 188, 228 

Scots, 234 

Scourge of God, 467 

seriniartt palatini, 476 

Scripture, 337 

scriptures, 291 

sculpture, 125, 168, 173, 230, 322; —, 
medieval, 389; —, post-Renais- 
sance, 454; —, Renaissance, 408 

Scythia, 189, 336 

Scythian, 118, 342 

Sebastian Brand, 426 

Sebastiano del Piombo, 454 

Second Coming, 320 

secret societies, 286, 309 

Secular Hymn, 1383 

secularization, 418 ff., 479 

Sedan, 520 

Selinus, 156 

sella stercoraria, 500 

Semicupee, 263 

Semiramis, 259 

Sempronius, Tiberius Gracchus, 73, 
116; —, Tiberius Longus, 73; —, 
Marcus Tuditanus, 73 

Sena Gallica, 61 

senate, 27, 29, 64, 74, 79, 83, 85, 106, 
118,) 116,117, (119) 120) Tareas, 
182, 137, 208, 236, 2387, 238, 387, 
455, 474; — addressing Barba- 
rossa, 391; —, composition of, 475; 
— decays, 230, 237; — early, 49; 
— house, 68, 71, 92, 127, 363; — 
of Italy, 520, 580; — of Pius IX, 
541, 546; —, Roman, 580; — under 
Cesar, 139 

senator, 477 

Senator Romanorum, 473 

Senatore, palazzo, 435, 446 

senators, 63, 82, 91, 93, 187, 203, 266, 
849, 351, 384, 385, 475; — and 
commerce, 83 

senatrix, 343 

Seneca, 178, 216, 222, 224, 297, 298; 
— and gladiators, 218; — and the 
gods, 295; — on Augustus, 121 

Senecas, 206, 212 

seneschal, 476 

Sentinum, 97 

Septimontium, 36 





q 
: 
’ 


INDEX 


Septizonium, 199, 245, 361, 456 

Serapina, 263 

Serapis, temple, 488 

serfs, 234 

Sergius, pope, 345 

Sergius III, 370 

Sermon on the Mount, 298 

Sermoneta, 369 

serpentines, 201, 366 

Servants of the Servants of God, 398 

Servian reform, 156 

Servilius Czepio, 73 

Servius, 67 

Servius Tullius, 29 

Sette Sale, 438 

seven-branched candlestick, 350 

Seven Hills, 17, 21-28, 24, 148, 215, 
238, 249, 331, 340 

Severi, 230 

Severus, 198, 199, 205, 206, 228, 230, 
232, 238, 237, 238, 245, 290, 354; 
—, palace, 576 

sewers, 130 

Sforza-Cesarini, palace, 428, 432 

Shelley, 457, 571 

shepherds, 33 

Ship of Fools, 426 

shipping, 124, 125 

shops, 72, 163, 196, 221, 257, 492; —, 
New and Old, 68; —, Old, 104; —, 
silversmiths’, 94 

shrines, 69, 190, 200, 494, 577 

Sibylline books, 88, 89; — Oracles, 
157 

Siccardi laws, 517, 553 

Sicilian, 161; 
Greek, 55; — language, 191; — 
strait, 56 

Sicilians, 294 ; 

Sicily, 112, 188, 156, 177; — and 
Naples in revolt, 519; — taken, 56 

Sidonius, 269 

siege of 1849, 449, 536; — of 472, 350 

Siena, 389 

Sigismondo dei Conti, 407 

Signia, 30, 55, 61 

Signorelli, 408 

Signorili, Nicholas, 455 

Silvagni on papal Rome, 492 ff. 

Silvius, 25 








we pandit, 2113) — 





645 


simony, 420 

sindaco, 542 

Sinigaglia, 471 

Sinon, 183 

Sinuessa, 61 

Sirmium on the Save, 233, 238 

Sister’s beam, 70 

Sistine chapel, 408, 409, 428 

site of Rome, 37 

Sixtus IV, 406, 409, 417, 448, 479; 
— and the Medici, 419 

Sixtus V, 480, 448, 482, 489, 495, 
496; — and lawbreakers, 483; — 
and Pasquino, 487, 488; — and the 
ruins, 456 

skepticism, 158, 159, 228, 414 

slave life in Rome, 138 

slavery, 231, 264, 330 

slaves, 75, 93, 106, 132, 133, 187, 188, 
153, 162, 203, 204, 205, 210, 211, 
217, 219, 228, 227, 259, 260, 268, 
300, 336; —, uprisings of, 138 

Slavs, 227, 234, 240 

snobs, 261 

social demarcation, 234 

social-democrats, 565 

social immorality, 422 

social life, 456; — in papal Rome, 
549 

socialism, 565 

society, 48, 159; —, pagan, 325 

Socrates, 181, 298 

sodality, 577 

Soderini gardens, 437 

Solferino, 518 

Solomon, 384 

Solon, 58 

Solway, 187 

Sons of Mars, 514 

Sora, 60, 61 

Soracte, 3, 573, 576 

sorcery, 296 

South America, 516 

South American missions, 482 

Spada, 432, 446, 452 

Spain, 57, 78, 94, 98, 100, 101, 112, 
119, 174, 206, 307, 510, 585; — a 
province, 56 

Spains, 189 

Spaniards, 187, 237, 443 


646 INDEX 


Spanish ambassador, 423, 540; — 
constitution, 514; — language, 
191; — stairs, 450 

Spartacus, 138 

spectacles, 265, 497, 578 

spiritual authority, 504; — empire, 
510; — government, 562; — sov- 
ereignty, 462-469 

Spiritual Queen, 331 

Spoletium, 61 

Spoleto, 343 

Spoletum, 263 

sportsmanship, 218 

SPQR, 541, 542, 577 

Spurius Ligustinus, 78 

stadium, 248, 254; — of Domitian, 
429, 433 

stars, 296 

Statarii, 263 

Statii, 361 

statues, 128, 152, 162, 163, 248, 349, 
352, 356, 365, 585; —, Ponte Sant’ 
Angelo, 450 

Stephen I, 464 

Stephen II, 364, 471, 511 

Stephen III, 378 

Stephen VI, 378 

Stephen Porcaro, 479 

Stevenson, 563 

Stilicho, 249, 251, 335, 338 

stoa, 152 

Stoic, 158, 159, 164, 224, 295 

Stoicism, 223 

stone age, 11, 14 

stornelli, 526 

Strabo, 211, 577; — on buildings, 
126; — on Rome, 72; — on Spain, 
119; — on the city of Augustus, 
130 

Strassburg, 433 

street altars, 129; — riots, 579; — 
scenes, early Rome, 36; — shrines, 
129 

streets, 50, 69, 182, 195, 198, 200, 221, 
402, 492, 493; —, Augustan, 129; 
—, modern, 569, 570; — of papal 
Rome, 545 

strikers, 579 

struggle for rights, 63-64 

Stuart, Charles Edward, 458 


Stuart, James, the Pretender, 458 
Stuarts, 458 

stucco, 129, 201 

Suabians, 335, 339, 342 
sub-deacons, 290 

Subura, 68, 438. 

Suburana, 36 

Sucusa, 36 

Suessa, 61 

Suessa Pometia, 30, 61 

Suetonius, 212; — on Augustus, 128 
Suevians, 387 

suicides, 204 

Sulla, 116, 136, 203 


_Sulpicius, Publius, 78; —, Severus, 


239 

sultanship, 418 

sumptuary laws, 482 

Sun, temple, 246, 438, 450, 456 

sun-dials, 129 

superstition, 88, 212, 262, 268, 286, 
320, 328, 426 

Suppliant’s Grove, 134 

supplication, 72 

Swiss, 480; — Guards, 501, 555 

Sybaris, 156 

Syene, 118 

syllabus of 1864, 554 

Sylvester, 465 

symbols, 296, 322, 500; —, Christian, 
278 

Symmachus, 238, 248, 264, 268, 271, 
325, 338 

syntax, decay of, 240 

Syracuse, 99, 156, 161, 258 

Syria, 57, 75, 112, 228 


ACITUS, 175, 212, 216, 222; — 
on Christians, 283; — on Rome, 
209; — on the Augustans, 143; — 
on year of three emperors, 217 
Tacitus, emperor, 229 
Taddeo Zuccaro, 454 
Tagus, 119 
Tanaquil, 29 
Tangiers, 189 
Tarentum, 18, 56, 156, 160, 161 
Tarpeian Mount, 254; — rock, 71, 
249 
Tarquin, 383; — the Arrogant, 30 








INDEX 


Tarquinii, 29 

Tarquinius Priscus, 29, 30 

Tarracii, 258 

Tarraco, 189 

Tasso, 454 

Tassoni, 454 

Tatius, 26 

taurobolium, 324 

taxes, 233, 240 

Taylor, Bayard, 457, 549 

Tellenz, 28 

temple of Janus, 68; — of Mithras, 
863; — of Pacis, 247; — of the 
City, 254; — of Vesta, 365 

temples, 47, 50, 69, 128, 130, 151, 172, 
190, 195, 200, 202, 225, 242, 248, 
249, 291, 313, 348, 367, 577; — 
and Christians, 362; —, ornament 
of, 71; — restored, 128 

temporal power, 346, 358, 368, 377, 
892, 460, 461, 462 ff., 468, 477, 490, 
495, 496, 507, 522, 529, 532, 541, 
555, 561, 562, 568, 571; — ended, 
in 1809, 518; — Sovereignty, 557 

Ten Commandments, 298 

tenement, 69, 195, 196 

tenements collapse, 577 

Terence, 70, 161, 162, 173, 206, 323 

Tergu, 366 

Terminalia, 81 

Termini station, 546, 569 

Terracina, 471, 472, 539 

Terry, Mrs., 549 

Tertullian, 224, 287, 306, 321; —, 
Apologeticus, 273; — on persecu- 
tion, 289 

Teutons, 137, 138, 227, 240, 508 

Teutonization, 235 

theater of Balbus, 123, 128; — of 
Dionysus, 152; — of Longinus, 
181; — of Marcellus, 123, 128, 361, 
431; — of Pompey, 123, 127, 254, 
361, 429, 482; —, stone, 85 

theaters, 70, 152, 172, 190, 248, 263, 
265, 326 

Theocritean, 179 

Theocritus, 173 

Theodora, 343 

Theodoric, 340, 350, 352, 353, 357, 
366, 393, 509, 510 





647 


Theodosius, 233, 239, 291, 335, 338, 
339, 356, 466 

theology, pagan, 324 

Thessalonica, massacre, 466 

Thessaly, 336 

thorn-extractor, 436 

Thorwaldsen, 457 

Thousand, 519, 536 

Thrace, 336, 339, 585 

Thracian, 342 

Three Taverns, 282 

Thunderer, 243 

Thundering Jove, 249 

Thurii, 56 

Tiber, 3-8, 16, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 28, 
33, 35, 38, 39, 40, 48, 50, 54, 55, 
57, 68, 69, 70, 72, 78, 95, 96, 101, 
124, 125, 180, 181, 184, 135, 151, 
156, 196, 197, 201, 242, 246, 248, 
280, 288, 338, 3538, 357, 361, 363, 
383, 384, 401, 421, 561, 576, 578; — 
and early Rome, 24; — mills, 351; 
— people, 39; — region, 16; — 
valley, 66 

Tiberinus, 25 

Tiberius, 111, 135, 187, 196, 198, 203, 
204, 218, 215, 237, 266, 288; — and 
Greece, 183 

Tibullus, 83, 144, 175; — and early 
Rome, 1, 24 

Tibur, 15 

Tiburtine stone, 254 

Ticinus, 98 

Tiepolo, Paolo, 459 

Tigris, 188 

Timgad, 190 

Tiryns, 10 

titles, late Empire, 269; — of medi- 
zeval rulers of Rome, 393 

Titus, 187, 196, 232, 350, 355, 384 

Tivoli, 362, 538, 576 

tobacco, 546 

Tobias, 279 

Todi, 538 

togata, 174 

tolerance, 302 

toleration, 325 

tomb of the Plautii, 361 

tombs, 151, 201, 225, 241, 575, 585 

topography, changes, 568 


648 INDEX 


Torlonia, Alessandro, 550 

Torlonia, Prince, 554 

Torquatus, 96 

Torre delle Milizie, 360, 372 

Totila, 350, 351, 352, 393 

tourists, 221, 568, 571 

tower of Confusion, 387 

towers, 66, 129, 359, 360, 361, 364, 
428, 431, 484, 438, 574; —, Cam- 
pagna, 368 

tradition, 30, 301, 576 

Trajan, 188, 189, 205, 206, 215, 219, 
229, 287, 239, 247, 284, 355, 577; — 
and Christians, 287, 288; —, tri- 
umph of, 211 

Transtiberim, 248, 387 

Trasimene, 91, 137 

Trastevere, 429, 4389, 443, 527; — 
described, 431; — rione, 430 

travel, 118 

travertine, 129, 200, 348, 436 

treasury, 93, 227, 230 

Trebia, 90 

Trentino, 519 

Treves, 233, 238 

Trevi, 429; — fountain, 488, 451, 
456; — rione, described, 438 

tribes, 80, 267 

tribunes, 63, 64, 116, 120, 533 

tribute, 74, 210, 236, 501; — system, 
57 

triclinium, 152 

Trieste and Trent, 521 

Trieste region, 519 

Trinita dei Monti, 409, 428, 437 

Trissino, 407 

Tritone, fountain, 449 

triumph, 221, 497; —- of Constantius, 
251; — of Honorius, 251; — of 
Paullus, 99; —, the last, 352 

triumphal procession, 134 

triumvirate of 1848-1849, 532 

Trojans, 387 

Troy, 9, 153, 183 

Trulla, 263 

tufa, 277, 278, 280, 577 

tufa-beds, 357 

Tullianum, 28, 276 

Tullus Hostilius, 27, 28, 71 

tunic, 577 








Turin, 519 

Turnus, 25 

Tuscany, 402, 518, 519 
Tusculan villa, 177 
Tusculans, etc., 388 

Twelve Apostles, church, 372 
Twelve Tables, 63, 69, 84, 85, 160 
Twins, 70 

Tyne, 187, 189 

tyrannies, papal, 489 
Tyrrhenian, 3, 35, 39, 56, 61 


GOLINI, 550 
Ulysses, 77, 183 
Umbria, 13, 206; — and the Etrus- 
cans, 89; —, colonies, 61 
Umbrian people, 16, 55 
unification of Italy, 508, 563 
united Italy, 519 
United Kingdom, 520 
unity of Italy, 511, 514, 567 
Universal, 202 
University, 388, 403, 404, 4383; —, 
Naples, 388; —, Padua, 388 
Unknown Soldier, 99 
Urban, 380 
Urban II, 3438 
Urban VI, 402 
Urban VIII, 449, 489, 495, 496; — 
and Pasquino, 486, 487; — and the 
Pantheon, 456 
Urbino, 487, 493; — library, 455 
URBS AXTERNA, 584 
Ursinus, 329 
Utopia, 490 
Utulius Calligonus, 278 


ALENCEH, 527, 528 

Valens, 243, 335, 339 
Valentinian, 328 
Valentinian II, 243 
Valentinian III, 467 
Valerian, 229, 290 
Valeriano on Hadrian VI, 419 
Valerianus, 427 
Valerius of the Raven, 96 
Valla, 406 
Valmontone, 369 
Vandals, 335, 336, 339, 342, 344, 350, 

354 








INDEX 


Vannicelli, 541 

Varese, 10 

Varius, 165 

Varro, 83; — on country life, 81 

Vascello, 536, 537 

vassal states, 118 

Vatican, 125, 361, 426, 446, 451, 482, 
501, 504, 520, 539, 571 

Vatican library, 405, 448, 452, 455; 
— museum, 406, 451, 455; — 
palace, 409, 428, 474; — poets, 412 

vault, 172 

vegetable-market, 69, 124 

Vegio, 407 

Veii, 27, 29, 37, 40, 54, 55, 95 

Velabrum, 68, 105 

Velia, 35, 36 

Velitra, 55, 61 

_ Velleius Paterculus on the provinces, 
119 

Velletri, 535 

Venetia ceded, 554; — retained, 519 

Venetian ambassador, 418, 421; — 
on the popes, 459 

Venetian question, 519; — republic, 
517 

Venezia, Palazzo, 428, 452 

Venice, 528, 573; —, fall of, 517, 539 

Venus, 157; — of the Cloaca, 68; —, 
Paphian, 294 

Venus and Rome, temple, 199 

Venusia, 56, 60, 61, 206 

Verdi, 454 

Verginius, 278 

Verona, 335 

Veronica, napkin of, 502 

Verres, 163 

Verrocchio, 408 

Vespasian, 187, 194, 199, 200, 203, 
204, 205, 215, 232, 284; — and 
Greek professors, 184; —, temple, 
199; —, endowment of, 223 

Vespasiano, Life of Hugenius, 403 

vessels from Jerusalem, 384 

Vesta, 26, 27, 47, 48, 157, 324; —, 
temple, 68 

Vestal Virgins, 27, 34, 101, 133, 577 

vestararii, 476 

Vettius Agorius Pretextatus, 269 

Via Alessandrina, 429; — Alles- 





649 


sandrina and covered way, 430; — 
Appia, 470; — Aurelia Antica, 
534; — Borgognona, 494; — Capo 
le Case, 488; — Cavour, 569; — 
dei Banchi and heads, 484; — dei 
Banchi Vecchi, 482; — dei Co- 
ronari, 432; — del Babuino, 437, 
493, 494; — del Banco, 482; — 
dell’ Impresa, 525; — della Corda, 
494; — di Monte Tarpeio, 447; — 
di San Pancrazio, 535; — Flami- 
nia, 128, 406; — Giulia, 429, 446; 
— Gregoriana, 547; — Labicana, 
470; — Lata, 248, 363; — Meru- 
lana, 447; — Nazionale, 569; — 
Paola, 446; — Papali, 493; — 
Salaria, 70, 285; — Sistina, 448; 
— Tiburtina, 470 

Vicentia, 278 

Vicentius, 465 

vices, Christian, 328 

Victor, bishop of Rome, 464 

Victor Emmanuel I, 518, 515 

Victor Emmanuel II, 519, 548, 557, 
563, 567; — in Rome, 520; — in- 
vited to Rome, 554 

Victor Emmanuel ITI, 567 

Vicus Jugarius, 73; — Tuscus, 68 

Vida, Christiad, 407 

vigiles, 133 

Villa Aurelia, 536; — Borghese, 449; 
— Borghese, museum, 455; — 
Corsini, 535, 536; — di Papa 
Giulo, 447; — Glori, 520, 554; — 
Ludovisi, 449, 569; — Mattei, 448; 
— Medici, 549; — Nobilia, 537; 
— of Hadrian, 469; — Pamfili, 
450, 534, 535, 540; — Savorelli, 
536, 5387; — Spada, 537 

Villafranca peace, 518 

villages, Campagna, 368; —, Po val- 
ley, 34 (cf. 14); —, early Rome, 
34, 36, 66 

villas, 163, 190, 192, 201 

Villemain, 548 

Villian Law, 76 

Viminal, 21, 29, 36, 69, 246, 438, 452 

Vinalia, 81 

Vincenzo the sculptor, 547 

vineyards, 492 


650 


Virgil, 83, 143, 153, 164, 165, 166, 
173, 178, 183, 184, 206, 220, 239, 
243, 323, 326, 383; — a necro- 
mancer, 382; —, dneid, 179; — 
and early Rome, 24; —, Eclogues, 
179; —, Hclogues IV, 109; —, 
Georgics, 179; — on character, 77; 
— on Troy, 337; — rivalled, 414 

Virgil’s lay, 580 

Virgin, 424 

Virginia, 95, 413 

Virgines Vestales, 413 

virgins, Christian, 363 

Virgo Ceelestis, 294 

virtus, 86 

Visconti, 456 

Visigoths, 335, 339, 354 

visitors in Rome, 457 

Vitellians, 197 

Viterbo, 459, 570 

Vitiges, 350, 356 


Vito, 465 

Vittoria Colonna, 407, 423 

Volscian colonies, 61; — country, 
576; — mountains, 13, 15, 40; — 
people, 30 


Volscians, 54, 55 
Volsinii, 55 
Volturnus, 93 
Volumnia, 95 
Vulcan, 157 
Vulci, 39 


ALL of Antoninus, 187; — 

of Aurelian, 125, 195, 230, 241, 
246, 248, 350, 351, 354, 355, 361, 
868, 435, 438, 439, 446, 447, 449, 
520, 5387, 569; — in Britain, 187; 
— in Germany, 188, 229; — of 
Hadrian, 227; — of Romulus, 26; 
— of Servius, 29, 129, 194, 247, 
575: — of Urban, 449, 534, 536, 
542, 546 


INDEX 


walled towns, 235 

wall-paintings, 217 

walls, early, 36, 49; —, Empire, 123; 
— in the north, 234 

war of the Investitures, 343 

wards, 125 

warehouses, 124 

wars in Asia, 137; -— in Greece, 1387; 
— in Macedon, 137, 236 

water-pipes, 1380, 199 

Weevil, 104 

weights, 156 

Westminster Abbey, 366 

West Saxons, 394 

Wibert, 380 

will-hunting, 212, 261 

William of Malmesbury on Rome, 
368 ; 

Winckelmann, 456, 457 

wine-shops, 263, 430 

Wittgenstein, Princess, 549 

wolf, 436 

women, 49, 99, 210, 222, 259, 260, 
309, 327, 382, 494, 503 

Word, 324 

Wordsworth, 457 

world-Church, 474 

worldliness, 327, 328, 416 ff. 

writers, 205 


x ENOPHON, 173 


EAR of Three Emperors, 220 
York, 233, 238; —, duke of, 458 
Young Italy, 516, 530 
Your Holiness, 466 


7, AMA, 104 
Zancle, 156 
Zeus, 157, 418; — and Jupiter, 294 


Zeno, 158 
Zenobia, 229 


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